Evidence relied on
15 In support of the proposed consent determination, the applicants have filed lay and expert evidence to show that the agreement of the parties to the proposed consent determination has a reasonable and rational basis. That evidence comprises:
(a) the following expert reports:
(i) Anthropological Report, Dr Lee Sackett, December 2011;
(ii) Supplementary Anthropological Report, Dr Lee Sackett, May 2015;
(iii) Historical Report, Dr Fiona Skyring, March 2011;
(iv) Supplementary Historical Report, Dr Fiona Skyring, July 2012;
(v) Consolidated Genealogies, Susan O'Brien, November 2011; and
(vi) Additional Genealogies: Wheeler Family, Susan O'Brien, November 2011;
(b) the following lay affidavits:
(i) Affidavit of Barbara May Trevaskis, affirmed 2 July 2014;
(ii) Affidavit of Clifford Peter Appo, affirmed 4 July 2014;
(iii) Affidavit of Conway Robert Burns, affirmed 19 June 2014;
(iv) Affidavit of Darren Gene Blake, 20 March 2013;
(v) Affidavit of Dustyn Ian Currie, 2 July 2014;
(vi) Affidavit of Edward Christian Claude Doolan, affirmed 20 March 2013;
(vii) Affidavit of Fiona-Lee Foley, affirmed 18 November 2011;
(viii) Affidavit of Garry Owen Smith, affirmed 21 March 2013;
(ix) Affidavit of Ian Wallace Wheeler, affirmed 21 March 2013;
(x) Affidavit of Malcolm John Frederick Burns, affirmed 18 November 2011;
(xi) Affidavit of Marie Jessie Wilkinson, affirmed 21 March 2013;
(xii) Affidavit of Mark Vincent Singho, affirmed 17 June 2014;
(xiii) Affidavit of Norman Ross Barney, affirmed 18 June 2014;
(xiv) Affidavit of Peter James Martin, affirmed 15 March 2013;
(xv) Affidavit of Jan Lorraine Williams, affirmed 18 June 2014; and
(xvi) Affidavit of Shawn Wondunna-Foley, affirmed 18 November 2011;
(c) the following outlines of evidence prepared for the On-Country Evidence Process (OCEP):
(i) Outline of evidence Dustyn Ian Currie, dated 23 September 2016;
(ii) Outline of evidence Gemma Marie Cronin, dated 23 September 2016;
(iii) Outline of evidence Glen Allan Miller, dated 23 September 2016;
(iv) Outline of evidence Norman Ross Barney, dated 23 September 2016;
(v) Outline of evidence Shawn Wondunna-Foley, dated 23 September 2016; and
(d) the consolidated transcript of the OCEP (12 to 15 December 2016) which records unsworn evidence from:
(i) Conway Burns;
(ii) Glen Miller;
(iii) Gemma Cronin;
(iv) Dustyn Currie; and
(v) Norman Barney.
16 The expert reports and the lay affidavits were all filed and relied upon in the K'Gari determination, other than the 2015 supplementary report of Dr Sackett which deals with connection to places the subject of the present application.
17 The OCEP material post-dates the K'Gari determination. The OCEP was an extra-curial process agreed to by the applicants, the State and the Commonwealth in which certain claimants gave testimony on the basis that they would be prepared to give the same testimony in court. Witnesses were not sworn in. However, their testimony was given in the usual format of evidence in chief followed by cross-examination by the respondents' representatives. The applicants, the State and the Commonwealth have agreed to the filing of the transcript of the OCEP in these proceedings.
18 In the K'Gari determination, Collier J referred to and summarised a significant part of the expert reports and lay affidavits referred to above and which were relied on in that determination. In considering the laws and customs of pre-sovereignty Butchulla society, her Honour observed (at [45]) that Dr Sackett had reported that:
• Butchulla People traditionally believed in a supreme being, namely a sky-god, although many claimants with whom Dr Sackett spoke were Christians.
• Butchulla People believed in totems. Anthropologist Norman Tindale wrote that in Butchulla society, totems were inherited through the mother, although the totem of the father was treated with respect. Totems were animals including dolphins, ducks, kites, honey bees and carpet snakes as well as plants including the cypress pine tree. There was some inconsistency in research as to whether totems could be eaten.
• Circumcision or knocking out of teeth of young men was not practised, although other initiation rites were practised in relation to young men including trial by fire.
• Young women on reaching puberty would be taken away into the bush, and ritually instructed in relation to marriage and mating.
• Children joined the land holding units of their fathers.
• A person is a Butchulla person because they are born as a Butchulla person. Many claimants referred to it as "bloodline".
• Permission was required from Butchulla People before persons from other countries accessed Butchulla land. Failure to seek permission was tantamount to trespass, and traditionally was punishable by, for example, spearing. Dr Sackett noted that the concept of requesting permission to enter Butchulla land was maintained by current members of the claim group.
• Kin relationships guided interpersonal behaviour such that, for example, certain relationships were within proscribed boundaries of consanguinity and that marriage within such relationships was forbidden.
19 Her Honour also summarised the opinion of Dr Sackett regarding the Butchulla people's connection with K'Gari from sovereignty to the present (at [49]-[53]):
Continuity of connection from sovereignty to the present
49. This is clearly a critical aspect of the application before me. In considering this issue, Dr Sackett also took into account Dr Skyring's report, factors which have affected the group, group members' interaction with one another, and members' interaction with country.
50. First, Dr Sackett's evidence was that the claimants acknowledged and observed a body of law and custom as they relate to possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of lands and waters, having their roots in the normative system existing at sovereignty (at paragraph 992). While the group no longer practised "increase" ceremonies, nonetheless members interviewed by Dr Sackett averred that they shared Butchulla lands with the overseeing and protecting spirits of Butchulla dead (paragraph 993). Identification as Butchulla by descent from apical ancestors was a strong component of membership of the claim group. Dr Sackett gave evidence that the fundamentals of descent-based membership and country links continued, as did the concept of the necessity of permission to access and exploit Butchulla lands. Further, Dr Sackett gave evidence that elders continued to guide decisions regarding Butchulla country, and that this seemed in line with traditional practice (paragraph 993).
51. Second, Dr Sackett had earlier observed in his report that descendants of a number of apical ancestors had maintained little or no physical connection with the area of the claims, whereas descendants of other apicals had maintained relatively solid physical connection to the area of claims (in particular the descendants of Garry Owens and Willy Wondunna). The dislocation of some Butchulla people from their country resulted from a number of causes including:
• the settlement of non-Aborigines in the area beginning in the 1840s, accompanied by increasing competition for resources and violence between indigenous and non-indigenous people;
• the gradual incorporation of the local population into the pastoral and timber industries as unskilled labour;
• the establishment of a mission on Fraser Island in 1897;
• the removal of many local indigenous people to Yarrabah in 1904 as well as other removals (paragraph 996).
52. In light of this dislocation Dr Sackett opined that it was not surprising that relatively few members of the Butchulla People had been able to maintain ongoing physical connection with their country.
53. Overall, however, Dr Sackett was satisfied that fundamental laws and customs continued to be acknowledged by Butchulla claimants, which meant that crucial aspects of Butchulla society were transmitted from generation to generation.
20 Her Honour also referred to the lay evidence from members of the Butchulla people and concluded (at [55]):
The material in these documents attests to the basis of the witness' identification as a member of the Butchella people and of their connection to the claim area under their traditional laws and customs. They are compelling reading. All witnesses deposed as to the aspects of Butchulla culture they had learned from elders, recounted traditional stories, and gave evidence of sacred places, totems and rules. Some of this evidence is relevant to areas outside the determination area, in particular on the mainland, but which the witnesses depose is also Butchulla country…
21 As noted above, after the K'Gari determination testimony was given during the OCEP at the Mary River, south of Tiaro, Tuan Creek, Eli Creek, Wongi Waterholes, the Burrum River and Toogoom. Primary amongst the laws and customs of the Butchulla people, and re-told during the OCEP, is the story of Yindingie and Princess K'Gari being sent to earth by Birral (or Beeral), and K'Gari laying down and becoming Fraser Island. Yindingie and K'Gari created the landscape and everything in and upon it. The travels of Yindingie across the landscape are recorded natural features, including for instance, Yindingie's footprints in the waters at Dayman Point. That story was retold by Conway Burns at the beginning of the OCEP:
CONWAY BURNS: My name is Conway Burns. I'm a Butchulla man, a Butchulla descendant. Yes, I'm-just like to talk to youse about what this place means to us here, especially with K'Gari, and at a high point here, the corroboree grounds.
Way back in the Dreamtime, the Stories, the First Creation Story is about K'Gari, and K'Gari is a female white spirit who was an apprentice who come down with Yindingie, Yindingie being the supreme Serpent, the left hand of God, which is Birril, which is a-a white spirits. So she's a female white spirit and a male white spirit come down. He created-helped to create the land. She sort of assisted along.
She was working so hard that Yindingie noticed. She said-he said to her, "Can you go over and lay on these rocks?"-there's rocks on the eastern side-and she said, "Yeah, okay". She laid down, had a sleep, and woke up and-with awe and look-looked out, and all she could see was a beautiful bay and a beautiful mountain over further and a beautiful river. And she said, "It's such a beautiful place. Can I stay?" And Yindingie said, "You can't. You can't stay here because you're a-you're a spirit".
So she begged and pleaded and-until she got her own way. And he said then, "You go back over and lay on those rocks". So she laid on the rocks like this, looking towards the land, and he said, "I'll change you into an island". He said, "You can't stay here as a spirit, so I'll change you into a island". So he changed her into an island and put clothes on her, which were the trees, and all the lakes on the island are her-are her eyes, that looks back up in the heavens where she come from, and all the streams and the creeks are her whispering voices, and Yindingie put on animals on her to-so she-and taught them the art of procreation so that she would never be lonely.
And then, once Yindingie finished creating all the lands and created her, that gave her the name K'Gari, which means beautiful place. So he then rested at place on the western-on the eastern side, called Yidni (sic) (see the correct spelling is 'Yidney') Rocks, hence the name Yindingie, which means Rainbow Serpent. And when he rested, he left-he then got up and left to Moon Point, which is-if you come over this way, you can see, directly in this line, the point there, the end of the island- edge of the island. Can you see?
He then left from there to a spot down here what Nanna Joyce was talking about, just there, you can see the building here, left from there. From there-to there to a place Tinnanbar, down the Coral Wing (sic) (see the correct spelling is 'Korrawinga') to Straits, and then left up onto a mountain that we call Bauple, and then turned around and said, "This is all your country", and then left up in the sky. And that's why we always gathered here, because-with our corroboree grounds, to speak about our beautiful country, and because of the special site.
MR McAVOY: Can you just say where "here" is?
CONWAY BURNS: Here is Urangan, Dayman Point, which is-"urangan", in our lingo, means dugong, place of dugongs, which they do live out here. And you spin that around back the front, nagnaru, which means "our country". And that's the Story about here that ties in with K'Gari to here to Bauple. I always refer to that Story, because that's how it all began for our people here. Okay?
MR McAVOY: Just a quick question for Conway. When you said Yindingie came here, did you mean to Dayman Point?
CONWAY BURNS: Yes.
MR McAVOY: And somewhere else?
CONWAY BURNS: Yes, Tinnanbar, which is down the Coral Window Straits, Great Sandy Straits, which is down further, you'll probably visit later on. It's a place called Tinnanbar but in our lingo means-it's properly pronounced as Gjinang-Djaa, which means footprint. So that's another area down further.
MR McAVOY: And did Yindingie leave something behind here?
CONWAY BURNS: He left-he left his footprint in the-in the Coffee Rock, down the bottom here, beside the aquarium. Every now and then it-it is exposed from the-from the movement of the sand.
22 Dayman Point and Tinnanbar are both within the claim area on the mainland adjacent to the Great Sandy Strait, while Yidney is located on K'Gari and within the K'Gari determination area.
23 Ms Gemma Cronin gave testimony at a site near the Mary River, in Maryborough, about the dreaming line involving the Crane Mundee and the Ibis Bunda:
GEMMA CRONIN: … This is a major Dreaming line and it runs from Bauple Mountain across to here and then to Urangan, and it's-they're our moiety and they're totemic creatures. It's a story of two totem Creation ancestors, and they-so, all-we don't have any hard stone to make-to make artefacts with on the island or even-it's a really sandy area and it's not-it's all sort of soft stone. It's not the nice hard stone that you need. So, all of our stone that we built-we make tools with-made tools with came from Bauple Mountain. That's where the hard stone is.
So, in the Dreaming that the crane Mundee, the crane was a really good toolmaker, and he was the one who was in charge of making tools. And he had a camp further south of here, and he-one day an Ibis came and visited him-and the crane is one of our moieties, and the Ibis is one of our moieties. So, the crane came and visited the-I mean the Ibis, the Bunda, came and visited Mundee and he had his wives with him. And he wanted to get some tools off Mundee but Mundee wouldn't give him any. He only had so many. And he showed them to him and-but he said he'd have to make them for him, he couldn't give them to him right now. He'd have to make some new ones for him.
So, they ate together and then Bunda, this Ibis told Mundee that he was going, he was leaving, so they left but they didn't go very far. Then they hid in the bush and they watched Mundee, and when he went to sleep, Bunda's wives crept back into the camp and they-they stole all of the artefacts and all of the stone tools. And they stole the stone tools and they took off and they started heading towards Urangan.
And Mundee woke up not long after they stole the tools. He woke up and went to do something and then he realised all his-everything was gone, you know, axe heads. So, then straight away he got guilty because he realised he'd been taking a lot of-a lot of stone from the mountain and he hadn't really spoken to the-to the spirit up there, the guardian of that place in Melong. And he went back up and he realised he might have offended him and maybe that's why his tools were gone.
So, he got some sugar bag honey and he went back and he fed it to the-he gave it to the Melong and he put it down in front of the cave, his little cave there, and he put it down in front of the cave and he called out and he was saying he was sorry if he offended him because he-he didn't ask to take as much stone as he had taken. And-but the Melong came out and told him to come and sit at his fire with him, so he sat at his fire, and then in the smoke he saw the-he showed him the smoke the Bunda, the Ibis, and his wives had stolen his tomahawks, his stone heads, so-so then the Mundee jumped up and he grabbed his spear and his big killing boomerang and his burrakan, and he came running down and chasing-he's chasing the Ibis and the Ibis is moving slow.
He's got four wives and heavy stones to carry, so he caught him up and when he caught up with him it was here. And this was a shallow creek and the Ibis was on this side and the crane was on that side, and he yelled out and he was challenging the Ibis to a fight for stealing his stones. And he was waving his boomerang and getting ready to launch his spear at him. And the women got scared.
They were halfway across this creek and he-and the Bunda was on this side, but the women were only halfway across, and they got scared and they-they tipped out all the-all the stones they were carrying in their dilly bags. And they tipped them out into the creek, and when they tipped them out the stones transformed into the island, Baddow Island.
And the crane kept singing and calling out, and as he was singing and calling out, then the Melong made the rain come and the rain got deeper and the water got faster and faster and deeper. And the crane was trying to come back, but-I mean, the Bunda, the Ibis wanted to go back and fight but he couldn't get back across. He was on this side. And that's the formation of this. Then his wives came and joined him and then they went on and went to Urangan, and that's it.
MS QALOTAKI: So, you're pointing across from us towards the river and the island across. Could you show us where Baddow Island is?
GEMMA CRONIN: That's Baddow Island there. It goes to there and some a bit here. That's the island.
24 In addition to the oral stories connecting the Butchulla people to their country, there were many examples given during the OCEP of lived experience throughout the claim area in accordance with traditional laws and customs.
25 Dr Sackett's 2015 supplementary report proceeded on the foundations laid in his 2011 report concerning K'Gari. In the executive summary to the 2015 report, Dr Sackett expressed the following opinions:
Society and Succession
10. In my Butchulla Native Title Claims: Anthropologist's Report, I considered what some have called 'the society question'. I…arrived at the conclusion that the Butchulla were part of the wider Kabi Kabi society. "Put another way, by law and custom, Butchulla people held certain areas and, by the same law and custom, others held neighbouring areas in the region" (Sackett 2011:¶444-445). By this same law and custom, they might succeed to one another's areas.
11. Although there are no reports of succession in the Butchulla area, there most certainly are such reports from elsewhere in Aboriginal Australia. Succession has often been noted in the context of claims made in the Northern Territory under the Aboriginal Land Rights (NT) Act. Indeed, some 30% of the first 59 such claims treated and recognised aspects of succession. In reading the reports on these claims, it immediately becomes apparent that succession can proceed along different paths in different groups.
12. It should not be thought that succession was/is something exclusive to peoples and lands of the Northern Territory. Both Akerman (1995:99) and Kolig (1978:55-56) mention it in relation to different peoples and lands of the Kimberley. Sutton and Rigsby (1982:161-165) mention it in relation to peoples and lands of Cape York.
13. It seems to me that we see threads of Butchulla succession to portions of the mainland in (1) what claimants said about their country and (2) what they related, often at the same moment, about the founding of their country - particularly in the stories they tell about the acts and activities of the Creator Yindingie.
14. At one level, the Yindingie stories link specific places on the Island and the mainland. At another level, the Yindingie stories make the Island, parts of the mainland and the waters and islands between them literally one - one Butchulla country. At the ultimate level, the Yindingie stories deny succession ever occurred - by writing it out of the oral record.
15. It is my view that the specifics and processes of Butchulla succession to some mainland areas went unrecorded as such specifics and processes only become evident through close study. And while Butchulla people and Butchulla country have been mentioned in notes and reports from as early as 1842, they have not been the subject of close anthropological study until recent times.
The Butchulla and Mainland Areas
16. Evidence of Butchulla visiting, if not residing on, mainland areas dates from the earliest moments of effective sovereignty. The evidence continues across the intervening decades.
17. The evidence is by no means uniform across the mainland area being claimed by the Butchulla, however. It for the most part relates to country running from the Hervey Bay area in something of an arc around to the area of Maryborough.
18. As well, there is evidence of claimants' ancestors and claimants engaging in various ways with mainland areas and places. In this, we see Butchulla Relating to the Spirits of the Country, Camping and Remembering Ancestral Camping Places on Country, Hunting and Gathering, Carrying the Knowledge of Special Places, Participating in Corroborees, Commemorating Ancestral Burial Places, and Caring for Country.
19. If the list of places/areas where Butchulla exercised/exercise rights, interests and responsibilities is held against the list of places for which there is evidence of Butchulla physical connections on the mainland, the one, with a few exceptions, replicates the other.
20. In my view, there is strong support for Butchulla connection to and ownership of mainland country extending from Dundowran Beach/Eli Creek/Point Vernon/Pialba around to Maryborough.
The Butchulla and Island and Bay Areas
21. As is the case with respect to Butchulla people engaging with mainland places and areas, much of the evidence regarding Butchulla activities in and on the waters and islands of the area comes from claimant recollections of their more immediate antecedents' activities and statements about their own activities.
22. The evidence in relation to Butchulla engaging with inshore waters is strongest in relation to places running from Eli Creek, Gatakers Bay, Point Vernon, Pialba, Scarness, Hervey Bay, Urangan, Pulgul Creek, Booral, River Heads, the Mary River to Maryborough.
23. In Great Sandy Strait, there is good evidence regarding ongoing Butchulla connections to Round Island, Big Woody Island and Little Woody Island (and to a lesser extent to nearby Picnic Island). Claimants relate how their ancestors and they have visited and exploited these islands and surrounding water across the decades.
26 It can be seen that Dr Sackett considered that the Butchulla people were part of the wider Kabi Kabi society and, by the traditional law and custom observed by members of that society, Butchulla people held certain areas and others held neighbouring areas in the region and one might succeed to the other's areas. Whilst Dr Sackett did not consider that the early ethnography demonstrated that Butchulla territory at sovereignty took in much of the mainland, he expressed the opinion that the evidence supports a finding that the Butchulla people acquired rights and interests in mainland territory through a process of succession under traditional law and custom. I return to that aspect of the evidence below.