Procedural fairness
33 The concept that was known for many years as natural justice, and is now called procedural fairness, is an element of the administrative decision-making process. It requires that, before making a decision adverse to the rights or interests of a person affected by the decision, the decision-maker afford to that person an opportunity to be heard in relation to the subject-matter of the decision. This requirement applies to decisions under the Migration Act. A decision as a result of a process in which procedural fairness has been denied will be a decision based on jurisdictional error. See Re Refugee Review Tribunal; Ex parte Aala [2000] HCA 57 (2000) 204 CLR 82 at [5] per Gleeson CJ, [41] per Gaudron and Gummow JJ, [169] per Hayne J and [210] per Callinan J. Such a decision is 'regarded, in law, as no decision at all'. See Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs v Bhardwaj [2002] HCA 11 (2002) 209 CLR 597 at [51] per Gaudron and Gummow JJ; Plaintiff S157/2002 v Commonwealth of Australia [2003] HCA 2 (2003) 211 CLR 476 at [76] per Gaudron, McHugh, Gummow, Kirby and Hayne JJ. Such a decision is certainly not a 'decision...made...under this Act', for the purposes of the definition of 'privative clause decision' in s 474 of the Migration Act. See Plaintiff S157/2002 at [86] - [87] per Gaudron, McHugh, Gummow, Kirby and Hayne JJ. As a consequence, s 474(1) of the Migration Act does not operate to prevent application being made to the High Court, pursuant to s 75(v) of the Constitution, for writs of prohibition and mandamus (and incidentally for a writ of certiorari), and does not prevent the High Court remitting such an application to be dealt with by this Court.
34 It has been recognised, at least since Calvin v Carr [1980] AC 574 at 596-7, that the nature and quality of the hearing to which a person is entitled will depend upon the kind of function exercised by the decision-maker and the circumstances in which that function is being exercised. There are no hard and fast 'rules' of procedural fairness, prescribing in detail the procedures that every decision-maker must follow. It is necessary to look at any relevant statutory provisions, the nature of the function being exercised pursuant to those provisions and the manner in which the issues in the particular case are presented, in order to judge what amounts to procedural fairness.
35 The circumstances of the present case, relevant to a consideration of what amounts to procedural fairness, plainly include the fact that the first applicant is female and the fact that she is not only ethnically, but also culturally, Tamil. The willingness, and often the very ability, of people to talk about their experiences are affected by what are described as 'gender issues', and by cultural norms. This is now so well understood that it hardly seems necessary to state it. There is a common awareness that it is unwise for a professional decision-maker to adopt a uniform approach in gathering material relevant to the making of decisions, irrespective of sex or cultural background. Proper performance of the task involves abandoning assumptions about how people 'normally' react to events and about their ability to recount those events. Proper performance of the task involves attempting to understand the constraints under which those to be affected by the decisions, and others they may call upon to provide evidence on their behalf, may behave.
36 It might be thought that considerations of gender issues and cultural factors have no place in the functioning of the Tribunal, or had no such place in August 2000, when the Tribunal conducted its hearing. It might be considered that the Court should not adopt a particular policy position in favour of gender equity, or some particular attitude to cross-cultural awareness, and attempt to impose that position, or that attitude, on the Tribunal. For this reason, it is important to refer to documents that were in evidence before the Court.
37 In a media release, dated 3 June 1996, the then Minister announced the release for public comment of draft guidelines dealing with gender-related claims by asylum seekers ('the gender guidelines'). In a subsequent press release, dated 15 July 1996, the then Minister announced the finalisation of the gender guidelines, announcing the commitment 'to ensure bona fide refugees are given every opportunity to present their case in a sensitive and fair process.' The Minister said that the gender guidelines 'will ensure that decision-makers deal with gender-related claims in a sensitive and consistent manner.' In both media releases, the Minister noted 'that women refugees and asylum seekers might face particular problems in seeking protection.' The problems to which the then Minister referred included 'difficulties in discussing claims related to sexual violence or cultural difficulties.' It was also announced that the gender guidelines would be 'used by all officers of the Department making decisions on refugee cases.'
38 The gender guidelines are in a 22-page document, dated July 1996. In par 2.2, they list international instruments in which obligations to protect the human rights of women, including refugee women, may be found. It is unnecessary for me to set out that list here. It is reproduced conveniently in the judgment of Branson J in Khawar v Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs [1999] FCA 1529 (1999) 168 ALR 190 at [38]. In par 2.11 of the gender guidelines, it is recognised that:
'Guidelines for officers which specifically address women's needs are important if women's claims of persecution, including gender-based persecution, are to be properly heard and assessed. When applying for humanitarian visas, women may face particular problems, such as difficulties in making their case to decision makers, especially when they have had experiences which are difficult and painful to describe. There may also be social and cultural barriers to lodging applications and/or pursuing claims related to their own experiences.'
39 Paragraph 3.12 of the gender guidelines contains the following:
'Many women face particular difficulties when discussing gender-related claims which may include rape, or other forms of sexual violence, domestic violence and discrimination. In particular, women may experience difficulty in recounting sexual torture or rape in front of family members. Some women, because of the shame they may feel over what has happened to them, may understandably be reluctant to identify the true extent of persecution they have suffered because of their continuing fear and distrust of people in authority. They may also be afraid to reveal their experiences because they are so traumatised by them or because they fear reprisals from their family and/or community. Female applicants who are survivors of torture and trauma, in particular, require a supportive environment where they can be reassured of the confidentiality of the gender-sensitive claims they are making.'
40 Following par 3.13 appears the statement that:
'In the vast majority of cases women who have experienced torture and/or trauma have suffered these abuses at the hands of men. Coupled with a fear and distrust of authorities, this fact is likely to seriously inhibit the capacity of a female applicant to divulge details of her experiences to a male interviewer.'
41 According to par 3.26 of the gender guidelines:
'If an officer feels that a female applicant has further claims of a sensitive nature that have not been discussed during any stage of the interviewing process, the applicant should be encouraged to provide any supplementary information that she feels may support her claims. Alternatively, if an applicant has difficulty in speaking about her persecution, she may be more comfortable putting her claims in writing.'
42 It is recognised in par 3.27 that it is:
'unlikely that a woman whose written claims are part of an application supplied by other members of her family unit or who is interviewed in the presence of other family members will discuss the circumstances surrounding a sexual assault.'
43 The gender guidelines also recognise that a failure to raise a gender-related claim on several occasions should not necessarily cast doubt on the credibility of a person who raises it at a later date.
44 There can be no doubt that the gender guidelines were ignored altogether in dealing with the first applicant's claims. The two sentences I have quoted in [13], from the first applicant's statement accompanying her original application for a protection visa, could not be construed as anything other than giving notice that she had more to say about the July 1995 incident, and that she was sensitive about saying it to a man. At the very least, this should have sounded warnings to the Minister's delegate that there may have been gender-related claims and that there were cultural reasons why the first applicant did not wish to reveal them to a man. Anyone making a serious attempt to comply with the gender guidelines would have arranged to interview the first applicant in a manner that would have been conducive to ascertaining what she wanted to say. As it was, the Minister's delegate dealt briefly with the July 1995 incident in written reasons, without mentioning either the first applicant's claim to have been kicked, or her statement that she had more to say about the incident.
45 The Tribunal had even more reason to suppose that there were gender-related matters that the first applicant would not speak about in the presence of men, for cultural reasons. It would be extremely unlikely that the Tribunal member had not read the first applicant's statement attached to her original application for a protection visa. The statement is mentioned early in the Tribunal's reasons for decision. Later in its reasons for decision, as I have said in [23] and [25], the Tribunal referred in some detail to the medical report, to which I have referred in [15], even to the point of quoting from it the statement that the first applicant 'has other information she was only prepared to reveal to a female case officer.' An examination of the transcript of the Tribunal hearing makes it clear that at no stage did the Tribunal member make any attempt to encourage the first applicant to reveal this information. He did not make the obvious suggestion that, if her husband and the male migration officer would leave the hearing room, she might be able to reveal the other information to the Tribunal member, through the female interpreter. It is even possible that, in her response to the Tribunal member's question whether she had been traumatised by what had happened to her in Sri Lanka (which I have quoted in [20]), the first applicant was making a coded request for help in revealing the further information that she had. Even if this were not the case, the Tribunal member clearly had no interest in pursuing the issue, despite the fact that it was obviously raised. Far from giving the first applicant the opportunity to put her claims in writing, if she could not bring herself to reveal them to him, as suggested in par 3.26 of the guidelines, the Tribunal member refused to receive any written submissions after the hearing.
46 Counsel for the applicants contended that the first applicant had been denied procedural fairness by the Minister's delegate. This is perhaps a difficult argument to sustain, in the light of the express provision of s 54(3) of the Migration Act allowing a decision to be made without giving an applicant an opportunity to make oral or written submissions, and s 55(2), which expressly provides that the Minister is not required to delay making a decision because an applicant has indicated that he or she intends to give further information. It is unnecessary to determine the question, however. Any denial of procedural fairness on the part of the Minister's delegate was capable of being cured by proper procedure at the Tribunal level.
47 The Tribunal certainly had an obligation to afford the first applicant a hearing. Section 425(1) of the Migration Act imposes an obligation on the Tribunal to invite an applicant to appear before it to give evidence and present arguments. The Tribunal sent the applicants' migration agent a notice containing such an invitation. It is established by authority, however, that the giving of such an invitation is not the end of the Tribunal's obligation pursuant to s 425(1). The hearing to which an applicant for review is entitled must be a hearing in reality. See Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs v Cho [1999] FCA 946 (1999) 164 ALR 339 at [33] per Tamberlin and Katz JJ and [66] - [68] per Sackville J, and Sook Rye Son v Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs [1999] FCA 7 (1999) 161 ALR 612 at [36] - [37] per Moore J.
48 Counsel for the Minister attempted to argue that the Tribunal was not itself bound by the gender guidelines. The gender guidelines themselves refer to 'officers' and 'decision-makers'. As I have said, their promulgation was announced by the former Minister. They bear the title of the Department. The Tribunal is established separately from the Department, by s 394 of the Migration Act. It is plainly intended to be independent of the Minister and the Department (which makes it rather odd that it should act through the same solicitors as the Minister in a case such as the present). The Tribunal does not function in isolation from the Department, however. Its statutory duty, pursuant to s 414(1) of the Migration Act, is to review decisions made by officers of the Department in their capacity as delegates of the Minister. For that purpose, pursuant to s 415(1), the Tribunal has all of the powers and discretions conferred on the person who made the decision. In effect, the Tribunal stands in the shoes of the Minister's delegate, when it exercises its function of reviewing a decision of such a delegate. It would be anomalous, if not offensive to reason, to suggest that the Tribunal could ignore guidelines prepared for the benefit of officers of the Department when exercising powers as delegates of the Minister. The Tribunal and the Migration Review Tribunal routinely makes use of other guidelines, particularly those contained in the Department's Procedures Advice Manual (PAM III). Further, in general practice direction no. 8 of the Tribunal, made pursuant to s 420A of the Migration Act, there is express recognition of the need to deal appropriately with gender-related issues.
49 The gender guidelines are not some heavy-handed regime imposed on decision-makers as a result of the adoption of some particular policy position. Nor can they be reduced to the status of ideals, promulgated to the public, but ignored by decision-makers whenever their application would give rise to inconvenience. They represent nothing more or less than the recognition of the appropriate way in which to deal with the difficulties some people have in expressing themselves publicly about some matters, as a result of cultural constraints. The Tribunal does not afford a proper hearing to a person when it fails to give that person an opportunity, readily available, to communicate about such matters. In Khawar at [38], Branson J said that reference could be made to the gender guidelines to ascertain 'the appropriate approach to be adopted by a decision-maker assessing a gender-based claim for a protection visa'. Her Honour's judgment was given some nine months before the Tribunal hearing in the present case.
50 In the present case, the Tribunal failed to afford the first applicant a proper opportunity to provide further information, when the Tribunal member was aware she was capable of providing information that might have been relevant to her claim. It should have been obvious to the Tribunal member that there were gender-specific issues about which the first applicant could speak if given a proper opportunity.
51 At the very least, the Tribunal member should have referred to the issue in the course of the hearing. I cannot accept the submission made by counsel for the Minister that the Tribunal member was entitled to assume that the first applicant had said all that she wished to say about the July 1995 incident. It was far too obvious that there was at least a risk that the fact that the Tribunal member was male, and the fact that there were other men present, might have been a reason why the first applicant had held back information. It would not have occasioned difficulty for the Tribunal member to raise the question. Not a great deal of sensitivity would have been required for the Tribunal member to suggest that the first applicant could give evidence to him, through the female interpreter, in the absence of the second applicant and the migration agent. Alternatively, it would have been relatively easy for the Tribunal member to have acceded to the migration agent's request for the opportunity to make written submissions, suggesting that arrangements might be made for the first applicant to say in writing anything more that she wished to say about the July 1995 incident. In effect, the Tribunal member ignored the real likelihood that the first applicant's evidence on the subject had not been exhausted. In doing so, the Tribunal member denied the first applicant a proper hearing. The Tribunal denied the first applicant procedural fairness, and thereby failed to provide a hearing that accorded with its statutory obligation.
52 It cannot be said that the denial of procedural fairness made no difference to the outcome. Had the Tribunal been aware of what the first applicant says in the last sentence of par 14 of her affidavit, it might well have found that the assault of the first applicant by PLOTE members in July 1995 was far more serious than it had supposed. The first applicant's chances of persuading the Tribunal that she had been persecuted by PLOTE members would certainly have been increased. More importantly, had the Tribunal been aware of the matters referred to in pars 15 and 16 of the first applicant's affidavit, the Tribunal's finding that the July 1995 incident was 'an isolated incident' might not have been made. Had the Tribunal been aware of the power that the PLOTE members acquired to ruin the first applicant's life, and of the ongoing effect of that power, its conclusions as to the future might also have been different. The Tribunal might have taken a different view about the likelihood of ongoing persecution of the first applicant by pro-government Tamil organisations, and about the capacity of the applicants to solve any problems by relocating to Colombo. In the words of par 4.19 of the gender guidelines:
'an overall understanding of the role and perception of women in the applicant's society will demonstrate the extent of the persecution a woman would face if she were to return.'
53 It follows from what I have said that, if the first applicant is entitled to pursue the ground of denial of procedural fairness in this proceeding, then the applicants are entitled to succeed. It is therefore necessary to examine the effect of the earlier proceedings on the entitlement to pursue that ground in this proceeding.