austlii:cth/FedCFamC2G/2025/1887
General information, not legal advice.
FedCFamC2G
2025-11-19
Original judgment source is linked above.
FEDERAL CIRCUIT AND FAMILY COURT OF AUSTRALIA (DIVISION 2)
Note: The form of the order is subject to the entry in the Court's records.
Note: The Court may vary or set aside a judgment or order to remedy minor typographical or grammatical errors (r 24.04(g) Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia (Division 2) (General Federal Law) Rules 2025 (Cth)), or to record a variation to the order pursuant to r 24.04 Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia (Division 2) (General Federal Law) Rules 2025 (Cth).
(1) in Iran due to his Hazara ethnicity (including his distinct facial features) (CB 136 [1]; CB 138 [13]); living unlawfully in Iran using a deceased person's identity (CB 143 [36]); because he committed the offences of using a deceased person's identity and not obtaining permission to marry his wife (CB 143 [35]) [36]); verbal abuse, humiliation intimidation and harassment at the hands of Iranian authorities and Iranian society at large (CB 138 [13]).
(2) in Afghanistan due to his Hazara ethnicity (CB 142 [34]); because he does not believe in Islam (CB 142 [33]); as an Afghan who grew up in Iran, adopted the Iranian accent, culture and way of life, and has no cultural ties with Afghan society (CB 143 [33], 145 [39]); because of the long-standing feud between Afghanis and Iranians (CB 143 [33]).
- On 20 April 2017, the applicants submitted applications for Temporary Protection Visas. The applicant's wife and son relied on the applicant's claims.
The delegate's decision
On 17 December 2019, a delegate of the Minister refused to grant the applicant a protection visa (CB 217).
The Authority's decision
- On 18 January 2020, the applicant provided a written submission from his agent (CB 257).
- Relevantly, the Authority was satisfied the applicant is a national of Iran and his identification documents were genuine documents (CB 269 [11]) and was not satisfied the applicant is an Afghan (CB 279 [48]).
(a) their amended application filed on 20 May 2025;
(b) their submissions filed on 20 May 2025;
(c) their further submissions filed on 20 June 2025;
(d) the affidavit sworn or affirmed by Natalie Young on 20 May 2025;
(e) the joint bundle of authorities filed on 3 June 2025;
(f) the affidavit affirmed by Samantha Liddy on 10 June 2025;
(g) the affidavit affirmed by Natalie Young on 20 June 2025; and
(h) the court book filed on 23 June 2021.
(a) his response filed on 19 March 2020;
(b) his submissions filed on 3 June 2025;
(c) the joint bundle of authorities filed on 3 June 2025;
(d) the affidavit affirmed by Samantha Liddy on 10 June 2025; and
(e) the court book filed on 23 June 2021.
The Immigration Assessment Authority constructively failed to exercise its jurisdiction or failed to carry out its statutory task by failing to consider a claim/an integer of the claim or by failing to evaluate the significance of alleged "discrepancies" in accordance with the principles in AVQ15 v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2018] FCAFC 133; (2018) 266 FCR 83 and ASB17 v Minister for Home Affairs [2019] FCAFC 38; (2019) 268 FCR 271.
(a) failure to consider a claim; and
(b) failure to deal with alleged discrepancies in accordance with AVQ15 v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection (2018) 266 FCR 83; (2018) 361 ALR 227; [2018] FCAFC 133 and ASB17 v Minister for Home Affairs (2019) 268 FCR 271; [2019] FCAFC 38.
(a) AB and the first applicant were full biological siblings; and
(b) AB was born in Afghanistan and was an Afghan Hazara; therefore
(c) the first applicant was a citizen of Afghanistan.
FN 7: Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, Article 21, "Law on Citizenship of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan", 2000
There is no dispute that the applicant claimed that he was a citizen of Afghanistan because he was the full biological sibling of [AB], who the applicant claimed was born in Afghanistan and who was an Afghan Hazara.
... Although the 'Document for Travel to Australia' notes [AB's] place of birth and citizenship as Afghanistan, in light of all the other known discrepancies, I place little weight on this. I have also had regard to the fact that [AB] may have acquired Afghan citizenship through another means, such as marriage. ...
... While I accept that [AB] arrived in Australia as an Afghan refugee, I place little weight on fact of their familial relationship as evidence that the applicant is an Afghan citizen. While I am prepared to accept that the applicant may have familial ties to Afghanistan, and may have visited Afghanistan, for the reasons already stated I am satisfied that he is a citizen of Iran, and not a citizen of Afghanistan.
I also consider the applicant's evidence regarding his purported identity as an Afghan Hazara was vague and appeared evasive. The applicant told the delegate that he was raised in Iran so was not familiar with Afghan Hazara culture, and could only recall a ceremony in which a sheep was killed after Ramadan. The applicant added that in Kabul he had spoken a language called "Kabuli", not Hazaragi, of which he only knew a few words. Given the applicant's evidence that he did not leave Afghanistan until age 13 or 14 I find it difficult to accept that he cannot recall any substantive details regarding the culture he claims he was born into.
...While I note the applicant referred to being discriminated against because he looked like an Afghan, he did not mention that he was an ethnic Hazara as he now claims.
I accept Iranian citizens of Afghan appearance, such as the applicant, and their family members, may face discrimination in Iran. ... Khavaris are often victims of racially motivated discrimination based on their appearance, which often hint to their Afghan Hazara origins, irrespective of whether they hold Iranian citizenship or not.
(footnote omitted)
As can be seen, the tools available to assess the credibility of an applicant's testimony are each highly flawed. Reliance on plausibility is prone to inferences based on assumptions of rationality often at odds with conditions in the country of origin. The use of knowledge tests is problematic given difficulties to identify both true core knowledge and knowledge that is appropriate to a person in the applicant's particular circumstances. Demeanor assessment is of necessity benchmarked against some assumption of universal normalcy (which does not actually exist), and can prove especially ill-suited to assessing the claims of women, children, and victims of trauma. And a focus on the consistency of testimony is based on a false psychological assumption about the nature of truth-telling over time, and can be heavily skewed by an applicant's understandable reluctance to be forthcoming at early stages of the determination process and where evidence is provided (as is normally the case) through an interpreter. Real caution is thus appropriate before any adverse inference regarding credibility is drawn on one of these bases.
(Footnotes omitted.)
One authority to which Hathaway and Foster refer is the decision of a Full Court of this Court in W375/01A v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (2002) 67 ALD 757 (W375/01A) where the Court (Lee, Carr and Finkelstein JJ) said at [15]:
As anyone with even a passing familiarity with litigation will know, to have to give a decision-maker three or more separate versions of the basis for a claim is an invidious position to find oneself in, even in the case of an honest witness. All the more so when the accounts have been provided by a person who speaks no English and who has required the assistance of an interpreter. It is inevitable that each version will be slightly different, and may even be very different once the impact of the interpreter is taken into account.
- Consistently with its task on review, and bearing the reality to which the Full Court in W375/01A referred steadily in mind, appropriate attention has to be given by a decision-maker (here, the Tribunal) to all relevant material in making a finding of inconsistency which then underpins an adverse credibility assessment. As will shortly emerge, this did not occur here because the Tribunal overlooked what the appellant had earlier told a Departmental officer at the appellant's interview and this material was highly relevant to the question whether the appellant had given inconsistent evidence in support of his case.
- Secondly, the term "inconsistency" should be used with appropriate caution and an appreciation of the danger of using labels or formulae which mask the need for deeper analysis. As we have noted above, adverse credibility findings might be based on a variety of matters, including inconsistencies between, for example, evidence or claims made at different stages of the decision-making process or differences between oral evidence and contemporaneous documents. In some circumstances a visa applicant may raise a claim for the first time at an advanced stage of the decision-making process and the failure to raise the claim previously may well be relevant to credibility, but that is not to say that this is correctly described as an inconsistency.
- Thirdly, even where it is reasonably open to find that a person has given inconsistent evidence, the decision-maker needs to assess the significance of that inconsistency and the weight to be given to it. This requires consideration of, for example, the significance of the inconsistency having regard to the person's case as a whole and whether the inconsistency is on a matter which is central to the person's case or is at its periphery and involves an objectively minor matter of fact. It also requires the decision-maker to remain conscious of the particular challenges facing asylum seekers in giving accounts of why they fear persecution, including that they may have to give multiple accounts, using interpreters, and that they may reasonably expect an interview or a review process will provide an opportunity for them to elaborate on, or explain, the narratives they have previously given. Consideration should also be given to whether there is an acceptable explanation for the person having given inconsistent evidence such that the fact of the inconsistency should attract little, if any, weight. How all these matters are weighed and evaluated in a particular case is a matter for the decision-maker, but a failure by the decision-maker to appreciate the particular nature of the task, or to perform it reasonably and fairly, may be the subject of judicial review.
...
- For convenience, the principles which have relevance to the particular facts and circumstances here may be summarised as follows.
(a) The issue whether or not an administrative decision is affected by jurisdictional error requires a careful examination of the relevant statutory framework, with a particular emphasis on provisions which determine the decision-maker's powers, procedures, functions and obligations.
(b) While findings as to credit are generally matters for the administrative decision-maker, they may be amenable to judicial review on several grounds including legal unreasonableness, reaching a finding without a logical, rational or probative basis, failure to perform the required statutory task of review, and failure to take into account material critical to the formation of the requisite state of satisfaction.
(c) Whether or not a credibility finding is affected by jurisdictional error is a case specific inquiry, and should not be assessed by reference to fixed categories or formulae. Merely because a decision-maker has ignored "relevant material" does not always give rise to jurisdictional error in the present context. The importance or cogency of the material, its place in an assessment of the appellant's claim and in the performance of the statutory task are matters of fundamental importance in a protection visa case. Those matters inform an assessment of the seriousness or gravity of the error.
(d) Even if an aspect of reasoning, or a particular finding of fact, is shown to be irrational or illogical, jurisdictional error will generally not be established if that reasoning or finding of fact was immaterial, or not critical to, the ultimate conclusion or end result (such as, for example, where it is but one of several findings that independently may have led to the ultimate decision).
(e) Merely because there is no reference in the decision-maker's reasons for decision to particular material does not necessarily give rise to an inference that the material was not considered. Nonetheless, in the case of the Tribunal, which is required by s 430 of the Act to make a written statement setting out its reason for decision and its findings on material questions of fact, and to refer to the evidence on which such findings were based, a failure to refer to evidence that on its face bears on a finding may indicate that that evidence has not in fact been considered and, in some cases at least, disclose jurisdictional error in the decision-making (see Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs v Yusuf (2001) 206 CLR 323 at [10] per Gleeson CJ).
(f) Considerable caution must be exercised before concluding that errors in an adverse credibility assessment result in the decision being affected by jurisdictional error, in order to avoid judicial review transgressing into the impermissible area of merits review.
The language of "inconsistency"
- On this appeal, and despite what the Full Court in AVQ15 v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2018] FCAFC 133; (2018) 266 FCR 83 said at [22]-[28], the Minister's submissions at some points continued to use the term "inconsistent" and "inconsistency" as something of a global label. The Authority's reasons also tend to do this. The difficulty with this approach, as the Full Court observed in AVQ15 at [27], is that such labels can mask the need for deeper analysis.
- The adjective "inconsistent" means, according to the Macquarie Dictionary:
1. lacking in harmony between the different parts or elements; self-contradictory.
2. lacking agreement, as one thing with another, or two or more things in relation to each other; at variance.
3. not consistent in principles, conduct, etc.
4. acting at variance with professed principles.
5. Logic incompatible
41 The Oxford English Dictionary defines the adjective in the following way:
[of related things] Not consisting; not agreeing in substance, spirit, or form; not in keeping; not consonant or in accordance; at variance, discordant, incompatible, incongruous;
[of a single thing] Wanting in harmony between its different parts or elements; self-contradictory; involving inconsistency.
- Differing accounts of the same event may not be "inconsistent" at all. One may be more detailed than another. One may have different emphasis. One may include a particular incident that another does not. Differences in accounts may arise from the kinds of factors to which the Full Court referred in AVQ15 at [24] and [25].
- On the other hand, differences in accounts may be rationally and reasonably capable of giving rise to concerns about a person's credibility, or (perhaps more likely) reliability. Or they may not. Simply (and incorrectly) attaching the label "inconsistent" to differing accounts of an event, or differing narratives, does not make them so. Where an adverse finding is made on the basis of differences in accounts, it will usually be necessary to properly discharge the fact-finding task for a decision-maker to explain why she or he has found those differences of such a nature as to justify rejection of the narrative or account given by a person.
The effect of inconsistencies
- Some true "inconsistencies" may be objectively irrelevant to the fact-finding of a decision-maker. Some may be explicable, or excusable. Some may be critical to fact-finding. Some may reflect on the credibility or reliability of an applicant, and some may not. As the Full Court said in AVQ15 at [28], the decision-maker's task requires her or him to "assess the significance of that inconsistency and the weight to be given to it". Again, simply attaching the label "inconsistency" and moving immediately from the label to an adverse finding of credibility or reliability, may not be a rational or legally reasonable approach.
- It is also worth recalling that complete consistency in a narrative or an account of events, especially traumatic events, or events occurring some time ago, may in some circumstances be probative of a lack of credibility. There may come a point at which a person's narrative of past events is too complete, making no allowance for the imperfections of human observation and memory, and that may in itself demonstrate lack of reliability or credibility. This is a further illustration of why, as the Full Court said in AVQ15, where a person has been required to give more than one account or narrative of events, often separated by considerable periods of time and circumstances, care needs to be taken in weighing and assessing the probative value of various accounts.
... The appellant's contention that the IAA did not "expressly assess" - that is to say, record in its written reasons any assessment of - the significance that it attached to the existence of the relevant evidential inconsistencies may readily be accepted. I am unable, however, to see how that alone might suffice as a basis upon which this court might, on appeal, draw the inferences that the appellant would have us draw. To the contrary, the IAA appears very much to have turned its mind to whether or not the presence of the relevant evidential anomalies was significant enough to warrant its rejection of the appellant's narrative. Reasonable minds might differ as to whether they did; but I am unable to accept that the IAA might be said, in this case, to have relevantly misunderstood the nature of its task, much less performed it unreasonably or unfairly, or otherwise in a way unauthorised by the Act.
(a) the first applicant told the delegate that, in Afghanistan, he had known his sister by a particular name, but she had since changed it, and he did not know what it was; however, in his protection visa application, he had named her as AB [43], which is the name in her Australian passport: [45];
(b) the delegate put it to the first applicant that, in her visa application, AB had not included the first applicant as one of her siblings, and had given different names for her parents to those the first applicant had provided for his parents: [44];
(c) the first applicant's explanation for this was that he was telling the truth, but he did not want to question the information AB had given the Australian authorities: [44];
(d) it was odd that AB, who the first applicant had said at the TPV interview he was estranged from [43], would have, in less than a month after the TPV interview, provided a DNA sample to assist the first applicant: [46];
(e) AB said in her visa application that she had only one sibling, D, who died in 1992; however, in his protection visa application, the first applicant said that a person by the name of D was his sister, but he said that she was alive and living in Kabul: [46];
(f) the date of birth given by AB for D was seven years different to the date of birth given by the first applicant for D: [46];
(g) AB said in her visa application that she only had one sibling, a sister, D [46]; however, the first applicant said in his visa application that he had two brothers and a sister in Iran: [47];
(h) the dates of birth AB gave for her parents does not match the dates of birth the first applicant gave: [47].
(a) the inherent implausibility of the first applicant's claims about his life in Iran;
(b) the information the first and second applicants gave during their arrival interviews; and
(c) the fact that the first applicant's claims about how he obtained his Afghan taskera is contrary to information published by the Afghan authorities in Australia.
(a) the first applicant's claim that his brothers left Afghanistan because the Mujahadeen were going door to door and forcibly recruiting fighters was inconsistent with country information: [17];
(b) his claim that Afghans, including him and his mother, were fleeing Afghanistan in early 1979 because of the threat from Russia, was not supported by country information: [17];
(c) he was unable to give a detailed account of fleeing Afghanistan: [17];
(d) his evidence about his supposed identity as an Afghan Hazara was vague and evasive, even though he allegedly did not leave Afghanistan until he was 13 or 14 years old: [18];
(e) in particular, he could not recall any cultural practices, except that a sheep was killed on one occasion after Ramadan: [18];
(f) he did not speak Hazaragi, except for a few words, but claimed to speak Kabuli: [18];
(g) the supposed acquisition of a false Iranian identity was farfetched, as described above: [19];
(h) there was no evidence that the first applicant's adult daughter, who is still living in Iran, has been approached by the Iranian authorities [27], who the first applicant claimed were pursuing him because of his supposedly false identity [21];
(i) the first applicant claimed that his friend, Y, had verified his identity at the Afghan Embassy in Australia and provided information about the first applicant's father and grandfather, but Y could not have done that as he is 10 years younger than the first applicant: [29];
(j) the first applicant gave evidence that the Afghan authorities required only one witness to prove his identity, but his representative later sent a document which showed that two witnesses were required: [30];
(k) one of the witnesses was the first applicant's son-in-law and nephew, who was in no position to identify the first applicant as a person who had lived until the age of 14 years old in Afghanistan: [31];
(l) the witnesses also said that the first applicant had never had a taskera, which was contradicted by his own evidence that he had taken his taskera with him when he left Afghanistan and destroyed it when he was in his early twenties: [31];
(m) the first applicant's date of birth on the taskera he claimed to have obtained from the Afghan Embassy in Australia is the same as X's date of birth; the first applicant explained this by saying that he used the same birth date when he applied for the taskera to avoid confusion [32]; that was inconsistent with the first applicant's claim that he wished to live under his real identity [32], which is why he claimed he left Iran [41];
(n) the website of the Afghan Embassy in Australia states that it does not have authority to issue taskeras [34], contrary to the first applicant's claim that he got his taskera from the Afghan Embassy in Australia [29];
(o) the first applicant produced a certificate from the Department for Statistics and Registration in Afghanistan but was unable to explain how he was able to obtain it while he was in Australia: [33];
(p) the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ("DFAT") reported that document fraud is widespread in Afghanistan: [35];
(q) the first applicant did not respond to the delegate's written request for a response to her concerns about the provenance of the taskera and certificate produced by the first applicant: [36];
(r) in his arrival interview, the first applicant said he was Iranian, his name was X, he had been born in Tehran, and he was an Iranian citizen of the Persian/Farsi ethnicity; he produced various Iranian identity documents; he also provided his parents' dates of birth and said they were both Iranian citizens: [37];
(s) he said he left Iran for reasons of a dispute with his employer and being found with a receiver in his car: [38]; he took proceedings to court but they concluded unfavourably: [37];
(t) he claimed that he was discriminated against because he looked like an Afghan, but did not claim to be a Hazara: [38];
(u) in her arrival interview, the second applicant said that she and the first applicant were both born in Iran and were Iranian citizens: [39];
(v) she said they left Iran because her husband and her son were often called Afghani, and there was a lot of racism: [39];
(w) the first applicant claimed that he decided to tell the truth after he was released into the Australian community: [40];
(x) he also said that he had been confused at the time of the entry interviews after 40 hours at sea, even though his interviews were some weeks after he arrived in Australia: [40];
(y) it was not credible that the first applicant would not have begun to use his real identity until he had been in Australia for four years because he claimed that wishing to use his real identity was his motivation for leaving Iran: [41];
(z) the first applicant's willingness to commence legal proceedings in Iran was at odds with his claim to have tried to avoid the authorities in Iran: [42]; and
(aa) the various matters stated above in relation to his sister, AB.
Reporting of birth dates is unreliable, and reported dates are likely to be unreliable.
The Immigration Assessment Authority constructively failed to exercise its jurisdiction or failed to carry out its statutory task because it failed to assess whether the applicant would suffer serious harm by reason of his Afghan appearance.
...
The applicant lived in fear that the Iranian authorities would discover he had a fake identity. As an ethnic Hazara he always looked different, despite adopting the Iranian accent and culture. As a perceived Afghan he was regularly subjected to incidents of verbal abuse, intimidation, and harassment from the Iranian authorities and Iranian society.
...
Afghan Appearance
The applicant has consistently claimed that throughout his life in Iran he has faced discrimination because of his Afghan appearance and his children have faced discrimination for the same reason. I note the applicant wife also raised this matter in her arrival interview.
I accept Iranian citizens of Afghan appearance, such as the applicant, and their family members, may face discrimination in Iran. DFAT has stated that it is aware of sufficient incidences of official and societal discrimination against ethnic minorities to suggest a pattern of behaviour, particularly where those groups are the minority in the geographic area in which they reside. However, DFAT also notes that the experience of different ethnic groups is not uniform, and the overwhelming majority of ethnic minority communities are integrated into Iranian society, participate in politics, and identify with the Iranian nation.8 Other country information indicates that 'Khavaris' (a term for persons living in Iran of Hazara or eastern origin) may have Iranian citizenship, or be registered as Afghan refugees, or be living in Iran illegally. Khavaris are often victims of racially motivated discrimination based on their appearance, which often hint to their Afghan Hazara origins, irrespective of whether they hold Iranian citizenship or not.9
In the applicant's written TPV statement he claims "I was subjected to countless incidents of verbal abuse, humiliation, intimidation and harassments at the hands of the Iranian authorities and Iranian society at large." The applicant also claims that his children faced harassment and bullying at school, in particular the elder of his two sons, who was assaulted. However, most of the instances of discrimination the applicant claims to have personally faced are tied to the Iranian authorities' purported suspicion about his fraudulent identity, and I do not accept such incidents occurred. Nor has the applicant provided any credible evidence that he or his family have been prevented from accessing health, education, housing, employment, or any other type of social service in Iran on account of his Afghan appearance, and I do not accept this is the case. Given the evidence overall, I am satisfied there is a real chance the applicants may [face] some discrimination on account of the applicant's Afghan appearance.
...
Given all the evidence, I am not satisfied the applicants face a real chance of harm in Iran because of the matter of the applicant son's birth certificate, the applicant's interactions with Iranian authorities in Australia, the applicant son's baptism and church attendance, or the applicants' potential status as returning asylum seekers from Australia. The applicants do not have a well-founded fear of persecution within the meaning of s.5J.
FN 8: DFAT, "Country Information Report - Iran ", 7 June 2018, CIS78839411226
FN 9: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation (ACCORD), "Iran: Freedom of Religion; Treatment of Religious and Ethnic Minorities COI Compilation", 1 September 2015, CISEC96CF13622
... provided any credible evidence that he or his family have been prevented from accessing health, education, housing, employment, or any other type of social service in Iran on account of his Afghan appearance ...
I certify that the preceding fifty-three (53) numbered paragraphs are a true copy of the Reasons for Judgment of Judge Riley.
AYG20
Minister for Immigration and Citizenship [2025] FedCFamC2G 1887
(2019) 268 FCR 271
(2018) 266 FCR 83
(2018) 361 ALR 227
(2020) 281 FCR 594
(2001) 206 CLR 323