austlii:cth/FedCFamC2G/2025/429
General information, not legal advice.
FedCFamC2G
2025-03-25
Original judgment source is linked above.
The first applicant appeared in person (11 October 2024) Mr M Rusamo (5 February 2025)
FEDERAL CIRCUIT AND FAMILY COURT OF AUSTRALIA (DIVISION 2)
MINISTER FOR IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURAL AFFAIRS
Note: The form of the order is subject to the entry in the Court's records.
Note: The Court may vary or set aside a judgment or order to remedy minor typographical or grammatical errors (r 17.05(2)(g) Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia (Division 2) (General Federal Law) Rules 2021 (Cth)), or to record a variation to the order pursuant to r 17.05 Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia (Division 2) (General Federal Law) Rules 2021 (Cth).
The Tribunal failed to consider the claims of the Third, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Applicants that clearly emerged from the materials.
Particulars
- The Second Applicant advanced fears of the Third, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Applicants (her daughters) being harmed in Malaysia as young Muslim girls;
- Country information before the Tribunal indicated that young Muslim girls in Malaysia are at risk of harm in Malaysia due to a high risk of societal violence;
- The Second Applicant's fears and the country information before the Tribunal saw a claim that the Third, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Applicants were at risk of societal violence arose on the materials.
- The Tribunal failed to consider the Second Applicants fear and the country information before it despite a claim for the Third, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Applicants emerged on the material.
(a) the court book filed by the Minister on 2 April 2024;
(b) an affidavit deposed by the first applicant and filed on 29 December 2023, annexing a copy of the Tribunal decision;
(c) an affidavit of the first applicant filed on 21 November 2024, annexing a transcript of the Tribunal hearing; and
(d) an affidavit of Munashe Rusamo filed on behalf of the applicants on 5 February 2025, annexing a copy of a report published by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) titled 'DFAT Country Information Report Malaysia' and dated 29 June 2021 (DFAT report).
The inference that the Tribunal has failed to consider an issue may be drawn from its failure to expressly deal with that issue in its reasons. But that is an inference not too readily to be drawn where the reasons are otherwise comprehensive and the issue has at least been identified at some point. It may be that it is unnecessary to make a finding on a particular matter because it is subsumed in findings of greater generality or because there is a factual premise upon which a contention rests which has been rejected. Where however there is an issue raised by the evidence advanced on behalf of an applicant and contentions made by the applicant and that issue, if resolved one way, would be dispositive of the Tribunal's review of the delegate's decision, a failure to deal with it in the published reasons may raise a strong inference that it has been overlooked.
(a) the subject of substantial clearly articulated argument, relying on established facts; or > > (b) clearly emerge from the materials: NABE v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs (No 2) [2004] FCAFC 263; (2004) 144 FCR 1 (NABE) per Black CJ, French and Selway JJ (at [55] and [68]) and AWT15 v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2017] FCA 512 (AWT15) per Barker J (at [67]).
(a) such a finding is not to be made lightly (NABE at [68]);
(b) the fact that a claim might be said to arise from materials is not enough (NABE at [68]);
(c) to clearly emerge from the materials, the claim must be based on "established facts" (SZUTM v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2016] FCA 45; (2016) 241 FCR 214 (SZUTM) per Markovic J (at [37]-[38])). In SZUTM, Markovic J said:
- While the tribunal is not required to deal with claims which are not clearly set out and which do not clearly arise from the material before it, the tribunal is not limited to dealing with claims expressly articulated by an applicant. A claim not expressly advanced by an applicant will attract the review obligation of the tribunal when it is plain on the face of the material before it.
- Both the appellant and the Minister have made submissions on whether there is a requirement that there be a claim based on "established facts". At [35], the primary judge found, relying on NABE and Dranichnikov [v Minister for Immigration, Multicultural Affairs and Indigenous Affairs (2003) 197 ALR 389; [2003] HCA 26] that, as the threshold point the claim must "emerge clearly from the materials before the Tribunal and should arise from established facts". I agree with the primary judge's approach: the decision in NABE must be read in light of the principle set out in Dranichnikov.
(d) while there is no precise standard to determining whether an unarticulated claim has been "squarely raised" or "clearly emerges" from the materials "a court will be more willing to draw the line in favour of an unrepresented party": Kasupene v Minister for Immigration and Citizenship [2008] FCA 1609; (2008) 49 AAR 77 per Flick J (at [21]); and
(e) understanding whether a claim has clearly emerged from materials cannot be assessed in a vacuum. Consideration must be given to the way an applicant's claims are presented over time.
As a knowledgeable person, I have done my research on Malaysian law and those who is caught practicing Shiahs will be prosecuted and it has been declared through Shariah (Islamic law) that Shiah is prohibited in Malaysia.
I am sure if I go back to Malaysia they will separate my wife and children from me as it is a major crime in religion to practice Shiah.
As a whole, the society will boycott me in terms of unfair treatment in getting a job or a place to live and this would lead to mental distress. This will also affect my wife and children. ...
Because majority Muslims in Malaysia are Sunni and also I have families scattered all over Malaysia and it would be difficult to practice and also I'm worried about my family and the safeness of our life.
In my original claims I mentioned that when I arrived in Australia in 2015, I decided to declare myself and my family as Shia Muslim to my parent and my family. I received many phone calls and they threaten me saying that they would take my children from me and would send them for counselling in order to become a Sunni Muslim again. My wife's family have ask her to leave me and take the children with her and fled to Malaysia so that my wife and children would practice Islam in a way that her family wanted. That is the Sunni Islam.
...
To conclude my stories, I experienced life threatening moments when I was in Malaysia. Basically I and my family has to live a different life in Malaysia in order to be safe. There's always a threat in our own family or even in the community. I and my family is always vigilant of our surrounding because we know if we start declaring that we are Shia Muslim and practice what we believe in, it would definitely be against the Malaysian law and we would definitely be separated from our children. Imagine being separated from your wife and children. Our children is given no choice in practice what they think what is right for them. Children has the right to choose in what they believe in, they should not be force to do something they don't want to do.
Thus, I have attached the evidences that the government of Malaysia is against the Shia Muslims together with my life experiences that I faced while I was in Malaysia. I would seek refuge in Australia because of the safety of me and my family. My children can choose what they want in this country ( Australia ) because Australia practices equality rights for all the people who lives in this country. Australia is a safe country for my children to grow up in. They will not fear of their safety and for obvious reason they don't need other people to decide what they can practice and not practice in terms of religion practice. They can even choose not to have any religion in Australia and it would be fine. My children have come to me and said if they choose not to practice any religion in their lives because they think religion is just complicated. This would only be possible in such a country like Australia but not in Malaysia.
... I was born and raised in Malaysia, so basically what happened is that I was raised in a Sunni household. So both my parents are Sunni. So while growing up I see a lot of double standards or bias, especially towards my mom. And she's a woman. So I can see that even though you - a lot of Sunni Muslims in Malaysia, they claim that they follow the books, they follow the religion, but actually they do the opposite. And we were actually taught, or impose, to follow the regime. It's like a regime that you have to follow. You do not question anything. You just follow.
When you say the regime, that is, are you referring to the Sunni things? --- Yes. So by saying the regime, I'm saying about the ritual, the ritual - the Sunni practices. Like, along the way, along the line, I can see that the women in my family are oppressed. So without their own willing, so there's no equality, there's no equal rights. Like, without their own willing, they were forced to cover themselves. They were forced to do whatever the man wants them to do.
... I need to explain that that I need this protection as a woman, as you know, like I don't know whether you know about Islam rules. But in Sunni rules it more to - the rules more to men - like go to men. When it comes to woman, there are so many restrictions which I think - I have four daughters. I don't want them to grow up like how my parents - like because I tried to get away from all these things so that I can have a lot more freedom as a woman and I don't want to be like my mother and also my mother-in-law. Because I can see how they treat a woman in that area. So that's why when I have four daughters, I feel like I need to do - I need to protect them. I need them to have freedom, to have a choice on their own to do whatever they want without anyone telling them this and that.
They're like you know like - they cannot raise their opinions, and also the man actually like can tell them what to do and not to do. Say, like, they not really - they cannot have their own decision and sometimes what I don't like the most is nothing can protect them if anything happen. Like, if they mentally or physically abused, when they go to Islamic court, they're not really being protected properly. You know, like my mother - I know she was not happy for the whole marriage, but she still have to be in that marriage because you know like they have grown up like that - like they have to be like you have to obey your husband and you cannot have interaction with other men. Something like that. Like as far as I know from - yes, like I said the community. Like you as a wife, you cannot interact with any other man at all. Like, you are not permissible to do that. But in Shia it's more flexible. You can even choose yourself to be in a contract marriage. Then if you don't feel happy about it, you can just out from the contract. Like not only man can do that. The woman as well can do that. If I don't feel happy with this marriage, I can just go out from this marriage, and nobody will talk about it. Nobody will judge you. Something like that. Like yes, it's actually more to my - I want to do this for my children, for my girls. I have four girls. Now, my girls like in their teenage age, yes, I want them to have freedom to choose what they want.
3.127 Despite the enhanced legal protections available to victims, NGOs report violence against women in the form on rape, domestic violence, and family sexual abuse remains a significant problem. According to RMP statistics, there were almost 5,000 cases of domestic violence against women reported in 2018, and 5,513 cases of domestic violence and 1,582 cases of rape reported in 2017. A study conducted in 2020 which compared five domestic violence surveys found that the prevalence of intimate partner violence against women ranged between 5 and 36 per cent, with the wide range partly attributable to the difficulty in measuring this form of violence. Local sources believe that domestic violence, rape and family sexual abuse remain under-reported because of traditional beliefs in the sanctity and privacy of marriage, the level of shame involved, and reluctance to expose a perpetrator within the family. While there was reportedly a significant increase in reports of cases of domestic violence immediately following the passing of the amendments, reporting rates subsequently tapered off due to a perceived lack of support and resources for victims. The government does not separate domestic violence deaths from other forms of unlawful killing, so it is difficult to ascertain accurate statistics. No statistics or government reports identify whether so called 'honour killings' (murders committed to punish individuals perceived to have brought shame upon their family or community) occur.
...
3.130 Malaysia saw a significant spike in violence against women in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown. The Women's Aid Organisation reported a 150 per cent increase in calls to its hotline and an 80 per cent increase in messages to its WhatsApp distress channel compared to the same period in the previous year. The situation was particularly bad for domestic workers, who are predominantly migrant women. Due to the travel and mobility restrictions, live-in domestic workers were reportedly faced with increased workloads while having to stay indoors throughout the day with their employers, some of whom were already abusive before the lockdown. Malaysia's Ministry for Women, Family and Community Development issued a series of online posters on Face book and lnstagram with the hashtag #WomenPreventCOVID19, and advised the nation's women to help with the country's partial lockdown by not 'nagging' their husbands. The ministry also advised women to refrain from being 'sarcastic' if they asked for help with household chores. The Malaysian government later apologised for its advice.
3.131 A 2009 JAKIM fatwa ruled that 'female circumcision', better described as female genital mutilation (FGM), was obligatory for Muslim women and girls, unless harmful to their health. Although no Malaysian state has gazetted the 2009 fatwa, the Ministry of Health subsequently introduced guidelines in 2012 that reclassified FGM as a medical procedure, permitting it to occur legally in health care facilities. In its last Universal Periodic Review in 2018, Malaysia claimed that female circumcision was a 'cultural obligation' though there are different interpretations of what constitutes female circumcision in the Malaysian context. According to the World Health Organization, the most common form in which FGM is practiced in Malaysia is Type I, involving the partial or total removal of the clitoris, although some women undergo Type IV, a ritual form which includes a symbolic pricking or nicking of the genitals. An academic study conducted in 2020 found that the prevalence of doctors performing FGM might be as high as 20 per cent, and that such doctors were increasingly performing Type I rather than the Type IV that midwives traditionally performed. The procedure is often performed during infancy. In-country sources report that, while public hospitals do not conduct the procedure, private hospitals do.
3.132 There are no recent verifiable statistics available in relation to the prevalence of FGM, but a 2012 university study found that 93 per cent of Muslim women surveyed had undergone 'circumcision'. According to the 2012 study, more than 80 per cent of respondents said religious obligations were behind the decision to be 'circumcised', while 16 per cent said the 'circumcision' was performed 'to control sexual drives'. Although international organisations such as CEDAW have urged the government to abolish FGM, officials have sought to draw a distinction between FGM and 'female circumcision'.
3.133 DFAT assesses that, while the situation is generally improving, a range of factors continue to create difficulties for women subjected to violence to report it, gain adequate state protection, and/or leave family settings safely. These factors include: ambiguity between federal and state laws, lack of application of laws, limited capacity within the police and judiciary, familial shame, lack of awareness of rights, and, in 2020-21, the economic and social impacts of the COVID-19 lockdown. Young Muslim girls face a high risk of societal violence in the form of being subjected to some form of FGM.
Did a claim clearly emerge based on the materials before the Tribunal?
(a) the applicants are young Muslim girls who were raised in a household opposed to the practices of conservative Sunni Islam;
(b) the first and second applicants did not want their daughters raised in Malaysia, as they felt that their daughters needed to be protected from the way conservative Sunni Muslims in Malaysia treat women and girls;
(c) the second applicant told the Tribunal that she did not want her daughters returning to a Sunni-dominated Malaysia because she felt her daughters would not be properly protected from being 'mentally and physically abused'; and
(d) the existence of country information before the Tribunal that referred to young Muslim girls facing a high risk of societal violence in the form of being subjected to female genital mutilation, and a driver of female genital mutilation was religious obligation.
The Second Applicant expressly raised her fears of returning to a Sunni Malaysia as a woman and for her young girls. The Second Applicant expresses fears of mental and physical abuse of her young girls in a Sunni Malaysia. While the claim is not particularised, the claim is advanced by the Second Applicant in the hearing.
(a) women cannot raise their own opinions and men can tell them what to do;
(b) if they are mentally or physically abused, when they go to Islamic court, they will not be protected properly; and
(c) they have to stay in a marriage even if they are not happy, have to obey their husband and cannot interact with other men.
I certify that the preceding seventy-seven (77) numbered paragraphs are a true copy of the Reasons for Judgment of Judge Ladhams.
[1] Significant amendments have been made to the Migration Act following the commencement of the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Act 2024 (Cth). Unless otherwise stated, all references to the Migration Act in this judgment are references to the provisions of the Migration Act in effect at the relevant time of the events described in this judgment. All references to the Administrative Appeals Tribunal are to the Tribunal as it existed at the time the applicant's matter was before it for review.
AAL24
Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs [2025] FedCFamC2G 429
(2003) 236 FCR 593
(2003) 197 ALR 389
(2018) 261 FCR 503
(2004) 144 FCR 1
(2001) 233 FCR 136
(2016) 241 FCR 214