The primary judge's reasons for concluding that Mr Kobelt's book-up system was unconscionable
343 It is possible to distil the primary judge's reasons for concluding that Mr Kobelt's book-up system was unconscionable into 11 main points or propositions. In my view, upon close analysis, a number of those propositions are infected in some way by one or other of the two issues or errors that have already been identified: a failure to give sufficient weight to Anangu culture and practices; and having regard to, or giving excessive weight, to un-pleaded or non-systems considerations. A number of the matters relied on by the primary judge in support of his finding that the system was unconscionable, when closely considered in light of the anthropological and cultural evidence and the pleaded system, provide little or only limited support for the conclusion of unconscionability.
344 The first point relied on by the primary judge was that Mr Kobelt's bargaining position was relatively stronger than that of his book-up customers (Judgment at [507]-[516]; see s 12CC(1)(a) of the ASIC Act). The primary judge acknowledged, however, that inequality of bargaining power is not alone sufficient to support a conclusion of unconscionability.
345 While there undoubtedly was an inequality of bargaining power, it is difficult to see how that consideration was deserving of much weight in the circumstances of this case. That is so for a number of reasons. In particular, as the primary judge found, the customers understood the basic elements of the book-up system and voluntarily entered into them. There is no indication that they wished to bargain with Mr Kobelt about the basic terms of the book-up. The evidence referred to earlier, including Mr Renouf's report and Dr Martin's evidence, also showed that book-up systems had become a deeply embedded and normative practice for Anangu in the APY Lands communities, and that there was widespread use and support for it amongst many Anangu. That evidence tended to support an inference that, even if they had more bargaining power, the Anangu customers may not have wanted to, or may have had no reason to, bargain with Mr Kobelt about the basic terms of the book-up.
346 Further, Dr Martin's evidence, referred to earlier, was that even if they had little bargaining power, the Anangu customers had some capacity to negotiate with and question Mr Kobelt within the basic parameters of his book-up practices. That was a result of the fact that interpersonal negotiation and contestation were among the intrinsic characteristics of Aboriginal social process, together with the fact that there was a direct and ongoing interpersonal engagement between the Anangu and Mr Kobelt. It should be noted, in this context, that the primary judge accepted that Mr Kobelt applied the book-up system with some flexibility in response to customers' specific requests (Judgment at [554]-[555]).
347 The second proposition relied on by the primary judge was that Mr Kobelt's requirement that he obtain possession of customers' debit cards and PINs, and that he be permitted to withdraw the whole of the available balance in the customers' accounts, went beyond what was reasonably necessary for the protection of his own legitimate interests (Judgment at [519]-[520]; see s 12CC(1)(b) of the ASIC Act). As for the requirement that customers hand over their debit cards and PINs, his Honour found that this ran "counter to one of the very purposes of the issue of PINs" and required the customers to trust Mr Kobelt and his family (Judgment at [612]). It also seemed to "reflect a lack of understanding of the precautions which [the customers] should take in their own self-interest" (Judgment at [620]) and put the customers "in jeopardy of misconduct" (Judgment at [422]). As for the withdrawing of all of the funds in the customers' accounts, his Honour found that this was a "stark" and "extraordinary" feature of the system for which no objective justification had been established in the evidence (Judgment at [613]). His Honour went so far as to find that this feature of the system amounted to a form of predation (Judgment at [609]).
348 Those findings, however, tended to give insufficient weight to Anangu culture and practices. As for the requirement that customers hand over their debit cards and PINs, the evidence tended to show that this was a basic requirement of most book-up systems, and that this practice had a long history, was widespread, was deeply embedded in Anangu culture and practices, and was accepted to the point that it was essentially taken for granted. The Anangu plainly had a different conception of, and different attitude to, their debit cards. The fact that this practice required the customers to trust Mr Kobelt, and may have reflected a lack of understanding of the precautions which they should take in their own interests, was hardly a weighty consideration given the fact that the primary judge accepted that Mr Kobelt acted in good faith and there was no suggestion of fraud or dishonesty. The evidence showed that, on the whole, the customers did trust Mr Kobelt, and had no reason not to trust him. While the customers may have put themselves in jeopardy of misconduct by handing over their cards and PINs, no such misconduct was alleged. Dr Martin's evidence concerning the Anangu preference for personalising financial transactions also suggested that the fact that the system required the customers to trust Mr Kobelt was not in any relevant sense detrimental.
349 As for the requirement that Mr Kobelt be permitted to withdraw the whole balance in the customer's account, the primary judge's analysis tended to give insufficient weight to the evidence that suggested that this requirement may have been seen as desirable, or at least not undesirable or unreasonable, by some Anangu because it tended to alleviate the pressures of humbugging or demand sharing, and tended to assist in the management of money over the pay period and avoid the "boom and bust" expenditure cycle.
350 The primary judge accepted that the system mitigated the "boom and bust" cycle "to some extent", however he noted that there were other methods by which the customers could address that circumstance. Those other methods included requesting Centrelink to make payments weekly rather than fortnightly, obtaining a Centrelink "BasicsCard" which could not be used for the purchase of certain goods, such as tobacco and alcohol, and seeking the assistance and counselling of organisations such as MoneyMob (Judgment at [570]-[572]). While those may have been other methods by which the customers could in theory have mitigated the issue of the "boom and bust" expenditure cycle, they were not always methods that the Anangu people chose to take up or adopt. The fact remained that the book-up system was perceived to be one way of managing money over a payment cycle. This was seen to be a benefit of the book-up system.
351 His Honour also accepted that the book-up system "might" reduce some opportunities for humbugging, but noted that this seemed likely to increase the prospect of humbugging in other ways (Judgment at [617]). That appeared to be a reference to his Honour's finding that a customer returning from grocery shopping in Mintabie would be subject to demand sharing with respect to the groceries that had been purchased, and that a customer who purchased a car on book-up would be subject to demand sharing in respect of the use of the car (Judgment at [584]). There is no doubt that demand sharing was not limited to money. Nevertheless, the fact that demand sharing may have occurred in relation to other goods did not significantly reduce the force of the evidence that one of the perceived benefits of the book-up system was the avoidance of the "all-pervasive", and what the evidence suggested was the somewhat more pernicious, humbugging for cash.
352 The primary judge also appears to have given less weight to the evidence of Dr Martin, Mr Stauner and Mr Kilpatrick relating to humbugging for cash because only one of the six Anangu customers called as witnesses by ASIC expressly said that the reason they engaged in book-up was to avoid demand sharing (Judgment at [582]-[583]). The fact that the other witnesses did not say that they entered into book-up arrangements to avoid humbugging does not, however, mean that they did not perceive that to be a benefit of the system. No doubt the main reason they entered into book-up arrangements was because they wanted to purchase a car, and Mr Kobelt's book-up system was seen as the best means of achieving that objective. Dr Martin referred to that as "agency" or exercising choice. Even putting that consideration to one side, the fact that only one of ASIC's Anangu witnesses expressly referred to the avoidance of humbugging as being the reason they entered into book-up arrangements may have been more significant had ASIC pressed its case that the specific book-up arrangements with those witnesses were unconscionable. In circumstances where ASIC's only case was a systems case involving 117 customers, the evidence of Dr Martin and others concerning demand sharing as part of the Anangu system of norms, values and patterns of behaviour should have assumed greater significance.
353 Finally, in relation to demand sharing, it should be noted that Mr Kobelt's evidence was that some customers told him that they wanted him to withdraw all the money in their bank accounts "before some of the family got their hands on it". The primary judge, however, did not attach much weight to that evidence because he regarded it as having a self-serving quality. Even if that be so, Mr Kobelt's evidence was consistent with the evidence of Dr Martin, and statements in Mr Renouf's report, concerning the motivation of indigenous people for dealing with stores offering book-up.
354 In considering whether the imposition of the requirement for the customer to hand over their debit card and PIN, and the requirement that Mr Kobelt be permitted to withdraw all funds in the customer's bank account, were reasonably necessary, the primary judge had regard to various potential alternatives available to Mr Kobelt. It is perhaps questionable whether some of those supposed alternatives were in fact reasonably available or feasible. The primary judge recognised, for example, that the Centrepay facility was directed to essential services that were unlikely to encompass the purchase of used cars. More significantly, the analysis of those various alternatives tended to ignore the evidence that suggested that Anangu people may have preferred the book-up system to the alternatives because the book-up system involved the personalisation of the relevant financial transaction through the incorporation of Mr Kobelt as a trusted "broker". It did not involve them having to deal with a bureaucracy, or fill out paperwork.
355 It is relevant to emphasise, in this context, that the evidence tended to show, and his Honour found, that Mr Kobelt's Anangu customers knew and understood the basic elements of the book-up system and the way it worked, understood that they had a choice whether or not to enter into book-up arrangements, considered that the system was appropriate to their needs, and were generally well-disposed to Mr Kobelt and considered that he had treated them well. The evidence, and his Honour's findings, that the Anangu customers voluntarily chose to enter book-up arrangements were entirely consistent with Dr Martin's evidence concerning what he called "Aboriginal 'agency'": "the capacity and willingness of individuals to exercise choices in accordance with what they perceive to be in their own interests". His Honour was acutely conscious that the freedom of Anangu to make decisions concerning their own lives must be respected (Judgment at [589]) and that the Court should not impose a view of what is appropriate for the Anangu which could be regarded as paternalistic (Judgment at [619]). With the greatest respect, however, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that parts of his Honour's reasoning, and the ultimate conclusion of unconscionability, failed to appropriately heed those cautions.
356 The third point relied on by the primary judge related to whether the customers were able to understand any documents relating to the supply of the financial services (Judgment at [541]-[546]; see s 12CC(1)(c) of the ASIC Act). Mr Kobelt submitted, before the primary judge, that this point had little force given the simplicity of the system and the fact that the customers understood the basic elements of the book-up system in any event. The primary judge accepted the correctness of that submission "[in] a sense", but found that the fact that there were so few documents detracted from the conscionability of Mr Kobelt's conduct (Judgment at [542]). It is, however, unclear exactly why that was the case.
357 Dr Martin's evidence concerning the Anangu preference for personalising financial transactions tended to support the inference that the Anangu were content with the book-up system precisely because it did not involve significant documentation, but was instead transacted personally through Mr Kobelt as a so-called "broker". In any event, it is difficult to see how the documentation of the terms and conditions of the system, which the Anangu customers understood in any event, would have advantaged the customers.
358 The primary judge also referred, in this context, to the inadequacy and illegibility of Mr Kobelt's records of the relevant book-up transactions. This was a reference to the handwritten diaries and ledgers that recorded withdrawals, payments and further book-ups by each customer. There could be little doubt that the diaries and ledgers were barely legible and difficult to follow. The problem with this finding, however, is that the adequacy of Mr Kobelt's records of the implementation of each customer's book-up "account" was not part of the pleaded book-up system. The adequacy of Mr Kobelt's record keeping was undoubtedly an issue canvassed at trial, as Besanko and Gilmour JJ have pointed out. In my view, however, it does not follow that it was open to the primary judge to have regard to the inadequate record keeping as part of his evaluation of whether the pleaded book-up system was unconscionable.
359 In any event, the inadequacy of Mr Kobelt's record keeping was hardly a matter deserving of any significant weight in circumstances where there was no evidence that any customer had ever sought an account of the relevant transactions. Perhaps even more significantly, it is difficult to see why this was a weighty consideration in circumstances where the primary judge accepted that Mr Kobelt did not make dishonest use of the debit cards and PINs, and where there was no suggestion, let alone evidence, that Mr Kobelt maintained his records dishonestly.
360 The primary judge concluded that Mr Kobelt's implementation of the system, including the fact that the arrangements were largely undocumented and poorly recorded, "adds to the strong impression of unconscionability" (Judgment at [623]). For the reasons just given, I do not agree.
361 The fourth point relied on by the primary judge concerned Mr Kobelt's "tactics" in administering or implementing the book-up system. The primary judge considered that point in the context of whether any undue influence or pressure was exerted on, or any unfair tactics were used against, Mr Kobelt's customers (Judgment at [547]-[550]; see s 12CC(1)(d) of the ASIC Act). His Honour acknowledged that ASIC did not contend that Mr Kobelt had adopted forms of undue influence or exerted undue pressure (Judgment at [547]). It would appear, however, that his Honour gave at least some weight to three matters that were said to constitute "tactics" in administering the scheme. The first was the fact that Mr Kobelt or his family made the relevant withdrawals at the earliest opportunity. The second was that, at least in some instances, Mr Kobelt made withdrawals that exceeded the customer's authorisation. Those instances related to only two customers. The third was Mr Kobelt's conduct in making withdrawals from accounts in circumstances where a "CBA glitch" enabled withdrawals to be made from Commonwealth Bank accounts which resulted in the customer's accounts going into debit.
362 As for the first of those matters, it is difficult to see how that "tactic" was deserving of any significant weight in circumstances where the book-up customers were generally aware that the system involved Mr Kobelt withdrawing all the money from their accounts. It also ignores Mr Kobelt's evidence that if a customer asked for some funds to be left in his or her account, he would generally abide by that request. It does not appear that any, or any material number of Mr Kobelt's book-up customers were aware that funds were sometimes withdrawn in the early hours of the morning, or if they were aware, that they took exception to this so-called "tactic", or were otherwise frustrated by it. As for the second and third matters, the short point is that they were isolated incidents. They were not systemic. They were not part of the book-up system. Nor were they pleaded as such.
363 The fifth point relied on by the primary judge was that "[t]he credit provided by Mr Kobelt is of a particularly expensive kind" (Judgment at [618]). The primary judge initially considered this point in the context of whether the customers could have acquired identical or equivalent financial services from other suppliers (Judgment at [551]; see s 12CC(1)(e) of the ASIC Act).
364 There are in my view a number of difficulties with this point. The first is that it is at least somewhat questionable whether the evidence was capable of supporting a conclusion that the credit supplied to each, or even a majority, of the 117 "Nobby's Customers" the subject of ASIC's systems case was "of a particularly expensive kind". The finding appears to be based on Mr Kobelt's evidence that he would usually, but not invariably, offer a discount of at least $1,000 to persons paying for the purchase of a car upfront in cash. Using that figure as the credit charge, the primary judge then calculated the effective interest rate on various assumptions as to the price of the car and the period of time over which the debt was repaid (Judgment at [488]-[490]). There was, however, no evidence concerning the exact price of the cars which were purchased by the 117 customers, or the difference between the book-up price and the cash price for each of those vehicles, or the period of time over which their debts were repaid. There was also no suggestion that the book-up system involved any credit charge, let alone a credit charge of an expensive kind, in respect of credit provided for purchases other than cars.
365 In any event, it was not part of ASIC's pleaded systems case that the credit supplied under the book-up system was of a particularly expensive kind. It may readily be accepted, as Besanko and Gilmour JJ have found, that the expense or otherwise of the credit supplied under the book-up system was an issue at trial. The issue appears to have arisen primarily in the context of the alleged contravention of s 29 of the National Credit Act and in the context of evidence led by Mr Kobelt. It was plainly open to the primary judge to consider and reject Mr Kobelt's contention that the credit was effectively interest free. There is accordingly no merit in this issue as a pure pleading point. It is, however, another thing to say that the expense of the credit was part of the pleaded book-up system. It was not. In my view, if ASIC wished to contend that the expense of the credit provided as part of Mr Kobelt's book-up system was one of the factors that made the system unconscionable, it was required to properly plead that fact as part of the system. It did not.
366 The sixth point relied on by the primary judge was that Mr Kobelt did not treat his customers equally: he provided goods and services to non-indigenous customers on credit without requiring them to provide a key card and PIN or other security (Judgment at [553]; see s 12CC(1)(f) of the ASIC Act). I agree with Besanko and Gilmour JJ that this matter should have been pleaded if it was to be relied upon. It was not part of ASIC's pleaded system. It is also somewhat unclear whether this issue was fully explored in the evidence at trial. It does not appear, for example, that there was any evidence that any of the 117 indigenous customers the subject of the systems case had ever sought and been refused credit which did not involve handing over their debit cards and PINs. Given the anthropological evidence relating to the perceived benefits of the book-up system for the Anangu, it may have been the case that the customers preferred book-up to obtaining credit on any other terms.
367 The seventh point relied on by the primary judge was that, while Mr Kobelt was flexible in relation to some aspects of the book-up system, he was not flexible in his underlying requirement that customers provide both their debit card and PIN (Judgment at [555]). The primary judge found that Mr Kobelt also implemented the book-up system with some rigidity, including making withdrawals from the customers' accounts very early in the morning of the relevant pay days so the customers could not access the 50% of the funds which was notionally theirs (Judgment at [556]).
368 The primary judge had regard to those matters in considering the extent to which Mr Kobelt was willing to negotiate the terms and conditions of the book-up "contract" (s 12CC(1)(j)(i) of the ASIC Act). The finding that Mr Kobelt was inflexible in relation to the basic terms of the book-up system, however, must again be considered in light of Dr Martin's evidence. As noted earlier, that evidence included that there was direct and ongoing interpersonal engagement between the Anangu and Mr Kobelt which allowed the Anangu to negotiate with and question Mr Kobelt within the basic parameters of the book-up practices. They were, however, unlikely to question or challenge the basic parameters of the book-up system because they were "normative practices" that were seen by most Anangu as being "normal" or "usual" practices that were "taken for granted". The fact that the basic terms of book-up were not subject to negotiation, therefore, may have been as much due to those cultural considerations as any inflexibility on the part of Mr Kobelt.
369 The eighth point relied on by the primary judge was that, while his Honour accepted that Mr Kobelt acted with a "degree" of good faith, and that there was no suggestion that he had acted fraudulently or dishonestly, or exerted undue influence, his Honour did not accept that Mr Kobelt acted in an altruistic or disinterested way. Rather, in his Honour's evaluation, Mr Kobelt was at all times pursuing his own interests, even when that was to the detriment of his customers (Judgment at [557]-[559]; s 12CC(1)(l) of the ASIC Act). His Honour gave the "CBA glitch" as one example of Mr Kobelt pursuing his own interests to the detriment of his customers.
370 The fact that Mr Kobelt operated the book-up system in good faith and without fraud, dishonesty or undue influence was a powerful consideration. It is difficult to see why individual instances of self-interest, which were not part of the pleaded system, should significantly detract from that consideration. Equally, given that Mr Kobelt was operating a business, it is hardly surprising that he was not acting in an entirely altruistic or disinterested way.
371 The ninth point relied on by the primary judge was that the book-up customers were vulnerable because of the remoteness of their communities, the limitations of their education, their impoverishment and the limitations on their financial literacy. The primary judge reasoned that, in those circumstances, Mr Kobelt's book-up system involved taking advantage of the customers' circumstances (Judgment at [620]).
372 There could be little doubt that the circumstances of the majority of book-up customers were as described by the primary judge. The finding that Mr Kobelt's book-up system involved taking advantage of those circumstances, however, tended to ignore the evidence concerning the history and prevalence of similar book-up systems in remote parts of Australia, and the evidence of Dr Martin and others which went some way towards explaining why the Anangu people freely chose to enter book-up arrangements. In short terms, it would appear that book-up systems the same or similar to Mr Kobelt's system developed precisely because mainstream financial services and credit facilities were either unavailable or unfeasible in many remote indigenous communities. Perhaps more significantly, other forms of credit were not suitable or appropriate to the needs of the indigenous residents of those communities. The book-up system was simple, involved the personalisation of the credit transaction through a broker, and was seen as providing benefits, such as the avoidance of humbugging and assistance in avoiding the "boom and bust" expenditure cycle. In many cases, book-up was really the only realistic way that residents of remote indigenous communities could access credit. As the primary judge found, the majority of book-up customers did not have any assets which could be proffered as security for a loan. It was accordingly unlikely that they could have obtained a loan to purchase a car from a commercial lender.
373 In those circumstances, it is doubtful that it could fairly be said that Mr Kobelt's book-up system involved him taking advantage of his customers' circumstances and vulnerabilities. Rather, he was fulfilling a demand, as was the proprietor of the other store in Mintabie, and the proprietors of many like establishments throughout remote indigenous communities, who provided book-up credit. The finding that Mr Kobelt was taking advantage of his customers' vulnerabilities also does not sit easily with the primary judge's other findings that Mr Kobelt exercised a degree of good faith, did not exert any undue influence and was neither fraudulent nor dishonest. There was no evidence that any of Mr Kobelt's book-up customers considered that they had been taken advantage of. Rather, the evidence tended to suggest that they understood the system and, on the whole, were supportive of book-up and Mr Kobelt's implementation of it.
374 The tenth point relied on by the primary judge was that Mr Kobelt's book-up system maintained a continuing dependence by customers on his store because the customers had little practical alternative but to continue shopping at his store despite the inconvenience of doing so. The system, insofar as it permitted customers to book-up further purchases of food and other necessities, also depended on the favourable exercise of Mr Kobelt's goodwill and therefore gave Mr Kobelt discretionary control over the lives of his customers (Judgment at [598]). That was said to constitute a form of predation (Judgment at [609]) and exploitation of Mr Kobelt's customers (Judgment at [620]).
375 The primary judge's finding of predation and exploitation, however, again sits uneasily with his Honour's finding that Mr Kobelt did not exert any undue influence. It also again tends to ignore the cultural or anthropological evidence.
376 It may generally be accepted that Mr Kobelt's book-up system had the effect of tying the customers to Mr Kobelt's store. Because they had no funds left in their bank accounts, the customers had to buy their groceries and other necessities utilising further book-up at Mr Kobelt's store, subject to their ability to obtain purchase orders for other stores, or get cash advances, from Mr Kobelt. It may also be accepted that this involved some degree of inconvenience for the customers because they were required to travel some considerable distances to Mr Kobelt's store. That said, Dr Martin's evidence was that Anangu residents saw shopping at the various establishments in Mintabie, including Mr Kobelt's store, as exercising "agency" or choice because there was a wider choice and prices were cheaper than at the community stores in the APY Lands (Martin at [77]). Further, while shopping at Mr Kobelt's store may have involved significant travel, Mr Martin's evidence was that it was not uncommon for indigenous customers to travel long distances to access goods and services, that travel was not seen as a disincentive for most Anangu, and indeed that travel could be seen as an advantage because it entailed visiting "country" and relatives, and constituted a "highly social occasion". Those advantages could outweigh the costs of the travel itself. There was no evidence that any of Mr Kobelt's customers considered that they had been exploited because they had to return to Mr Kobelt's store.
377 The system also included provision for Mr Kobelt's customers to purchase goods at other stores by means of purchase orders. The primary judge noted that Mr Kobelt charged his customers $10 for purchase orders, a cost which his Honour described as relatively expensive. There was evidence, however, that Mr Kobelt's purchase orders cost less than the express money order service provided by Australia Post. Mr Kobelt also permitted cash advances by way of book-up in certain circumstances.
378 As for the primary judge's findings concerning discretionary control, it may be accepted that this was an incident of the system. It may also be accepted that it was potentially disadvantageous and open to abuse. Nevertheless, apart from some very isolated instances of what his Honour described as "arbitrary decision-making" (Judgment at [599]), the evidence did not suggest that Mr Kobelt widely or systematically abused or took advantage of his discretion. The primary judge accepted, for example, Mr Kobelt's evidence that he never refused food to a customer from whose account he had withdrawn money pursuant to the book-up system (Judgment at [453]). The fact that the system gave Mr Kobelt a degree of discretionary control in respect of the financial affairs and spending of his customers must also be considered in light of the evidence concerning the indigenous preference for personalising financial transactions. The Anangu people who engaged in book-up arrangements with Mr Kobelt freely chose to effectively appoint him as a "broker" in respect of their spending and financial affairs.
379 In all the circumstances, having regard to the whole of the evidence, neither the "tying" effect of Mr Kobelt's book-up system, nor the fact that the system gave Mr Kobelt a form of discretionary control over the spending of his customers, could fairly be said to be a form of predation or exploitation.
380 The eleventh point relied on by the primary judge was that Mr Kobelt provided credit to the book-up customers without complying with the requirements of the Code (Judgment at [562]-[564]). His Honour noted that, amongst other things, to comply with the Code, Mr Kobelt would have been required to make an assessment of whether the advance of credit would be unsuitable for the customer having regard to the customer's ability to comply with the financial obligations and other matters. I agree with Besanko and Gilmour JJ, for the reasons given by their Honours, that the fact that Mr Kobelt did not comply with the Code, and the considerations that flowed from that, should have been pleaded if they were to form part of the reason for concluding that Mr Kobelt's book-up system was unconscionable. They were not pleaded as part of the book-up system.