[637] This is clear evidence that no more than 10% of consumers enrolled as students with AIPE were within the range of being plainly suitable in the sense of even attempting to participate. At least 70%, and probably more out of the remaining 20%, it may readily be inferred, were not suitable to be enrolled, and/or were not genuine students because, for example, they had been told that the course was "free" and there was no need to participate, but that signing up was necessary in order to be given (and later, "loaned") a "free" laptop. This evidence, in the context of all the evidence, gives a sound foundation for concluding that something in excess of 70% of VET FEE-HELP payments should not have been made in the relevant period.
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[644] As discussed above, VET FEE-HELP supported course providers should not have been enrolling consumers with language, literacy or numeracy skills that were below that required to complete the course, even if this was an obvious implicit requirement, rather than an express requirement, of the scheme. But to adhere to this was necessarily to limit the pool of consumers enrolled in the first place. As this and Ms Benton's evidence demonstrates, not only did AIPE's enrolment system not have any language, literacy and numeracy barrier to enrolment until early 2015, when such a barrier was introduced it was done in a way that was perfunctory and illusory, and only implemented in the shadow of closer investigation of enrolment problems by ASQA, culminating in audits. AIPE, via Mr Luhr [(AIPE's Business Operations Manager)] and Mr Khanche in particular, was not concerned about consumers who had a real risk of not being suitable to be enrolled as students.
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[653] Once again, Ms Casale's attempts to do something about a clear and obvious problem with consumers being enrolled as students with AIPE despite not having the necessary language, literacy and numeracy skills were disregarded. This again is a telling indicator that revenue, and profit, were the dominant considerations. Enrolling unsuitable students was both an accepted feature of the enrolment system, and was not regarded as a problem by those in charge at AIPE.
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[665] I attach little or no weight to such self-serving policy statements in the absence of evidence that this was what actually occurred, which was sparse and indicated that this only seemed to take place in extreme cases. There is ample evidence to indicate that AIPE was replete with policy statements which were not matched by evidence to demonstrate that this went beyond being part of a paper system that did not reflect the day-to-day reality of maximising enrolments and retaining them until the census date was the priority, ahead of consumer suitability.
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[669] Ms Casale remembers that in May 2015, her team had a meeting which Ms Abraham [Ms Benton's replacement as Student Services Manager from June 2015 to January 2016)] and Mr Khanche attended as well. She was working from home at the time and had dialled in. She remembers Mr Khanche said to those at the meeting words to the effect:
This is a business. You are not being paid to make moral judgments. If a student wants to take on three debts for three courses then that's the student's choice.
[670] This was a clear direction by the CEO to senior AIPE staff as to how they were to manage the enrolment process. The situation that Mr Khanche referred to was revealing evidence as to how far he, and thus AIPE, was prepared to permit a situation to develop as part of the enrolment process, especially given that this indicated the latitude he considered appropriate to be given to agents and their recruiters acting on behalf of AIPE. Indeed, as Ms Benton's evidence (at [558]) shows, this was not even a hypothetical scenario. Agents clearly had a very wide authority to exercise in pursuing the maximum number of enrolments possible, treating the evidence in favour of AIPE as establishing that the line was drawn only at outright lies and overtly false information.
[671] The view expressed by Mr Khanche that concern over a consumer enrolling in three courses and taking on three VET FEE-HELP debts was, pejoratively, an inappropriate "moral judgment", is a very strong indication of AIPE's flagrant disregard for the vulnerabilities of the disadvantaged target consumers. The scenario strongly points to a consumer having no idea what they are getting themselves into, as was the case with the man with physical and mental disabilities whom Ms Benton recalled coming to AIPE's office with a support worker (at [558]). It would not simply reflect the consumer's "choice", as Mr Khanche disingenuously suggests. If this scenario was not a source of concern, then it is fair to infer that the unconscionable enrolment of inappropriate consumers in general was not going to be a source of concern for AIPE. This and many other facts in this case contrast starkly with the circumstances in Kobelt, where the final resolution in favour of the respondent in that case was quite finely balanced. Like in Empower (at [750]-[751]), it shows a "callous indifference" to the consumer protection considerations that are necessary when the system is directed to people who are vulnerable to being misled or deceived.
[672] In the context of evidence of similar comments made by Mr Khanche, it is clear that he, and thus AIPE, saw nothing wrong with the provision of information that was incomplete or even misleading, deceptive or contextually false, provided it was not overtly false.
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[676] Ms Casale knew that it was difficult to get more "students" into the "green" category of students actively progressing in a course because she was unable to contact many consumers who had enrolled in courses. If she was able to make contact, on most occasions they were not interested in doing the course.
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[682] The unchallenged aspects of the evidence of Ms Casale, along with that of Ms Benton and Ms Qudsia, gives a strong and sound foundation for concluding that the reality of AIPE's enrolment system bore little resemblance to the benign situation painted by the policy documents alone. While I have perused all of the policy documents in evidence, and considered more closely those to which my attention was directed, the best that could be said of most of them is that they were aspirational rather than any accurate reflection of the enrolment system they purported to convey. At best they reflect what Ms Benton, Ms Casale and Ms Qudsia endeavoured to achieve, being a weak breeze against the strong headwinds of maximising revenue and profit.
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[686] The main conclusion to be drawn from this evidence is that, despite the efforts of the employee witnesses and some of their staff to improve AIPE enrolment practices to avoid unsuitable consumers being enrolled as students, the highest level of AIPE was concerned with high levels of enrolment rather than even modest levels of successful study. The overall conclusion is that Mr Khanche and thus AIPE were fully aware that most of the consumers who were enrolled as online students were not partaking of the course in which they were enrolled, and that this was largely the situation from the moment that enrolment took place.
[687] The proper conclusion to draw on the evidence is that those at the very top of the AIPE hierarchy were only willing to have the appearance of taking steps to confine the imposition of VET FEE-HELP debts to genuine students, but did not in fact want or allow that to happen if it had any significant impact on enrolments. Mr Khanche took active steps to reverse changes that reduced enrolments of that kind, having been told expressly that this would have the effect of causing unsuitable consumers to be enrolled as students. The overall effect and quality of the evidence satisfies me at, and indeed beyond, the balance of probabilities, that this was not merely an unfortunate outcome of a poor quality enrolment system, or even mere inadvertence, but an outcome that [was] known and was advantageous to AIPE.
[688] It was an active part of AIPE's enrolment system that a very high proportion of consumers who were enrolled would pass the census date and incur a VET FEE-HELP debt in circumstances where it was not just predictable that they would never need to be given any student support, but also an outcome that was highly profitable. This outcome was an accepted and even anticipated part of AIPE's business model.
[689] It is important to note that there was no evidence to indicate that a significant number of consumers enrolled as students ever commenced to participate in the courses in which they had enrolled: Ms Casale's evidence about what an interrogation of AIPE's student records revealed about participation rates points quite to the contrary. The survey evidence considered below helps to verify the conclusions otherwise reached, rather than being an independent or indispensable source or foundation for such conclusions.
[690] AIPE's acceptance of the enrolment of unsuitable students is also reflected in staffing practices that are difficult to reconcile with any other understanding. There was no substantial increase in staff numbers, and certainly nothing like the three- to five-fold increase in enrolment numbers, and the overall numbers remained quite paltry. The staffing numbers evidence enables it to be safely concluded that it is more likely than not that AIPE understood that the great bulk of consumers enrolled as students who were withdrawn after census were unsuitable to be enrolled, or were not genuine students (such as by reason of being told enrolment was a means of getting a "free" laptop). Most of those consumers should never have been the subject of a VET FEE-HELP payment or debt.
[691] That business model, given its predictable effect on vulnerable prospective consumers, was unconscionable. It was incumbent on AIPE to conduct any recruitment from this disadvantaged pool of consumers in a way that did not take advantage of their vulnerability. That was the legal and practical framework in which AIPE was operating.
[692] While aspects of disadvantage pleaded by the applicants may be seen to turn on a specific species of vulnerability, as the case unfolded the more generalised aspect of that vulnerability came to the fore. That is, the vulnerability of a general class of consumer with an inherently higher risk of being unsuitable to be enrolled as a student, rather than having features specific to one consumer but absent from another. The outcomes and events pointing to that general vulnerability, and thus particular and special disadvantage, was not left to speculation, or generalisation, but rather was repeatedly raised by each of the three employee witnesses, sought to be rectified and thwarted or otherwise undermined by the most senior decision-makers at AIPE, most notably, Mr Khanche and Mr Luhr.
[693] As already made clear, AIPE's approach of attacking the reliance by the applicants on only select agents to examine how AIPE's enrolment system worked was misconceived. The employee evidence shows that there was an inherent character of the system that applied regardless of the agent or recruiter involved. That is, … AIPE was on notice that a high proportion of its consumers enrolled as students were not genuine or [bona fide] and that this was often the result of nefarious practices by agents, including through the use of false and misleading information. Yet any check or balance introduced to rectify this situation was resisted or quickly erased. It was powerful evidence of what AIPE's enrolment system knowingly allowed to take place.
[694] The applicants make the following 10 submissions, which I accept, about the proper use that can be made of the evidence from Ms Benton, Ms Casale and Ms Qudsia:
First, up to the beginning of 2015 (more than half way through the Relevant Period), AIPE outsourced its student induction process to a call centre in the Philippines which sometimes did not call students before they incurred debts and often did not clearly explain to students that they would incur debts. Mr Luhr, at least, was aware of these problems before Ms Casale was recruited in November 2014. The issues were also discussed with Mr Khanche although the exact timing is unclear.
Second, AIPE had no process in place until early 2015 for checking whether students had adequate literacy, language and numeracy skills before enrolling them. Staff were concerned that many students seemed to have inadequate skills and made these concerns known to senior managers.
Third, even after AIPE introduced a LLN [(language, literacy and numeracy)] test it permitted its largest agent (Acquire Learning) to run its own test, the contents and application of which were not visible to AIPE's staff.
Fourth, there were significant deficiencies in the way AIPE's LLN test was administered, including (in an unknown but significant number of cases) the test being completed while the recruiter was with the student.
Fifth, it was only in early 2015 that AIPE introduced a process for verifying that a student actually wanted to do the course in which he or she was enrolled before the census date arrived (the withdrawal policy designed by Ms Casale).
Sixth, AIPE's brokers had a strong interest in all of the students they recruited remaining enrolled until they passed their census dates (at which point the student would incur a VET FEE-HELP debt and the agent would become entitled to a commission). AIPE, through its CEO Mr Khanche, was unwilling to upset agents and appears to have shared their enthusiasm for having as many students as possible pass their census dates. So, for example, the policy referred to in the previous paragraph was reversed by Mr Khanche when it led to a significant fall in the number of students passing their census dates. Mr Khanche also rejected the proposal that students should only be allowed to attempt the LLN test once.
Seventh, simple measures such as attempting to contact students prior to census date (and reversing their enrolment if they could not be contacted) led to significant falls in enrolments. That must have made it obvious to AIPE's managers (if it was not obvious already) that agents were recruiting significant numbers of students who were not genuine or suitable.
Eighth, senior managers at AIPE were well aware that only a small proportion of online students were engaging to any extent with their courses. It was only in about October 2015, when AIPE's registration was in jeopardy, that Mr Khanche expressed concern about the low completion rates of online students.
Ninth, when AIPE's student numbers increased very significantly, the number of people it employed to teach students and assess their work did not. Even with thousands of students on its books AIPE employed only a handful of trainers, and they spent part of their time making orientation calls. AIPE was not equipped to deliver training to the thousands of students in respect of whom it was collecting VET FEE-HELP payments.
Tenth, AIPE received a large number of complaints and requests for refunds. Common themes of these complaints included a lack of explanation about the financial consequences of enrolment and the promise of "free" laptops by agents. Senior staff were regularly informed about the number and nature of complaints. In many cases AIPE acceded to requests for cancellation of enrolment; but it did not reform its processes in any significant way, or do anything to assert tighter control over agents. Mr Khanche worked on the principle that "we don't need to worry about the ones who don't complain".
[695] The applicants submit that these points, derived from the employee evidence, when taken together, strongly point to a business model focused on maximising revenue through government VET FEE-HELP loans, with little or no ambition to provide actual training to more than a very small proportion of consumers enrolled as students. This submission mirrors the point made earlier about the windfall profit opportunity to be had by maximising VET FEE-HELP revenue and minimising marginal costs by the delivery of services. Whether that was the intention, or an outcome that AIPE was simply willing to facilitate, does not greatly matter, given that an intention to have unconscionable conduct, whether by a system or otherwise, is not required to be established. I comfortably infer that this affected the way in which recruitment was able to, and was allowed to, take place and that this reality informed the approach taken by the most senior officers at AIPE, including in particular its CEO, Mr Khanche and its Business Operations Manager, Mr Luhr. A very high proportion of consumers enrolled never actively participating in study - at least 70% - was a profitable and desirable outcome that was effectively encouraged, or at least not meaningfully discouraged, to take place. Changes designed to reduce the prospect of this occurring were not permitted to continue if they had this effect.
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[706] The evidence considered below establishes to my satisfaction that the dominant reason for AIPE commencing training was a reaction to complaints and eventually increased scrutiny of VET providers, rather than any real attempt to diminish enrolment revenue and profits from unsuitable consumers. If, contrary to that conclusion, it was meant to be a genuine response to the sorts of issues that must have been well-known by then, it was at best half-hearted. It was a mindset that was inherently unlikely to address squarely the conflict of interest on the part of both agents/recruiters and by AIPE between:
(1) maximising revenue by aggressive marketing strategies, including
approaching consumers unsolicited, and hard sell-approaches and incentives coupled with inaccurate, incomplete and even contextually false, deceptive or misleading information (putting to one side overtly false information); and
(2) ensuring that only genuine and suitable consumers with some reasonable
possibility of being able to study AIPE online courses successfully were enrolled.
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[760] The evidence of Ms Benton and Ms Casale, as summarised and analysed, makes it clear that Mr Khanche knew full well about the conduct of AIPE's agents and their recruiters, both by being told about the problems directly, and because of complaints that were drawn to his attention. This made it abundantly clear to him that AIPE was enrolling a high proportion of consumers who were simply incapable of undertaking the courses. Thus AIPE, especially through its CEO, knew full well that its enrolment system did not screen students for suitability, or ensure that they were aware they had been enrolled in the first place or had a VET FEE-HELP debt. Rather, it is clear, via Mr Khanche's reaction, that the focus was to keep consumers enrolled past their census date, and that this reality was reflected in very low participation rates from the outset.
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[762] McGrathNicol randomly selected the student records for 100 consumers enrolled as students out of 6,057 reported by AIPE for 2015, and tested the enrolment documentation held for those students. This related to 6,066 courses due to a small number of multiple enrolments. With that testing, consideration of the student records for all 6,057 consumers was able to be examined to produce the following "engagement testing results" at [1.4.2] of the report which "identified on how many days a student logged into the LMS [(learning management system)], and how many different parts of the online course a student had interacted with", producing the following results:
McGrathNicol found that for a significant number of the 6,066 course enrolments that AIPE reported for 2015, there was a very low level of engagement with the LMS. For example, our testing found that [15%] of students had not logged into the online LMS, and [76%] of students had logged in on four different days or less. Only [10%] of students had logged in on more than 10 different days. This contrasts with students who completed courses, who we found had an average of 58 days active, indicating those students who had logged in on less than 10 days may not have significantly advanced toward course completion.
[763] McGrathNicol then analysed and sought to match student activity logs with HEIMS [(Higher Education Information Management System)] data so as to calculate the dollar value of units engaged with by consumers enrolled as students in 2015 alone, with the report concluding on this topic:
Based on the methodology as outlined in Section 6.5.5, from a total of $114,123,050 VET FEE-HELP loans in HEIMS, according to the Moodle activity logs there were:
• course enrolments with no evidence of activity or engagement in a unit in Moodle with a value of $49.2 million;
• units in HEIMS with no evidence of engagement in Moodle with a value of $33.9 million; and
• a total value of loans with no evidence of engagement in Moodle of $83.1 million.
[764] I conclude that this was overwhelmingly, if not entirely, the product of AIPE's enrolment system that enrolled unsuitable consumers, with most of this amount being a windfall profit after the deduction of actual operating expenses. This supports the conclusion independently reached that a very high proportion of VET FEE-HELP loans in 2015 (going a month beyond the relevant period) are attributable to AIPE's unconscionable enrolment system. I can see no reason for inferring that it would have been any better in the preceding two years of the relevant period, especially considering AIPE's submissions that its system improved towards the end of the relevant period. Even with all the evidence that AIPE says was missing, no precise figure attributable to this conduct would necessarily have been possible. Mass consumer cases of this kind cannot descend to that degree of granular detail while remaining viable as proceedings.
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[772] Before concluding, it is necessary, for completeness, to address some of the arguments that AIPE made regarding the case against it (some of which have been mentioned above). AIPE argued that it was substantially the same as the case in Unique, referring to certain gaps identified by the Full Court in that case (at [254] to [256]) and relying upon them to identify what were said to be similar gaps, asserted to be fatal in the case brought by the applicants. This approach did not engage with much of the substance or detail of the applicants' case, ignoring the evidence from its former employees and ignoring the enrolment data. AIPE made the following submissions (reproduced almost in full in italics), pointing to the asserted gaps and other deficiencies in the evidence adduced and relied upon by the applicants, with my summary comments as to each:
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(6) There being no evidence as to the vulnerability of the consumers enrolled as students, with it being asserted that there was instead a "silent assumption" by the applicants that consumers from disadvantaged background were vulnerable, relying on what was said in Unique at [235] as to not making stereotype assumptions of that kind. This overlooks what the Full Court said in Unique at [135] to [136]. The applicants' [unconscionability] case relied upon general attributes of the disadvantaged consumers who were targeted to be enrolled, in the sense of being less able to detect defects in the information they were given, and to resist becoming enrolled in a course despite being unsuitable. Any member of society who was told, for example, that a course was "free" when it was not free of a debt burden, or that a laptop was for use in such a course (or otherwise) was "free" when in fact it too was provided in the context of and upon the condition that a debt burden was assumed, could well be encouraged to enrol in such a course. The burden of the applicants' case is that persons from disadvantaged backgrounds, who were targeted in accordance with the liberalised VET FEE-HELP scheme, were more likely to be misled by such conduct and therefore to become enrolled, even if they were also not suitable to be enrolled in the first place. This was not an improper or silent assumption, let alone one relying upon stereotypes, but rather a normal understanding of differential capacity, and therefore vulnerability, to be misled by conduct of the kind that the applicants rely upon.
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