austlii:cth/ARTA/2025/1547
General information, not legal advice.
ARTA
2025-08-25
Original judgment source is linked above.
(1) Australia has a sovereign right to determine whether non-citizens who are of character concern are allowed to enter and/or remain in Australia. Being able to come to or remain in Australia is a privilege Australia confers on non-citizens in the expectation that they are, and have been, law-abiding, will respect important institutions, such as Australia's law enforcement framework, and will not cause or threaten harm to individuals or the Australian community.
(2) The safety of the Australian Community is the highest priority of the Australian Government.
(3) Non-citizens who engage or have engaged in criminal or other serious conduct should expect to be denied the privilege of coming to, or to forfeit the privilege of staying in, Australia.
(4) The Australian community expects that the Australian Government can and should refuse entry to non-citizens, or cancel their visas, if they engaged in conduct, in Australia or elsewhere, that raises serious character concerns. This expectation of the Australian community applies regardless of whether the non-citizen poses a measureable risk of causing physical harm to the Australian community.
(5) Australia has a low tolerance of any criminal or other serious conduct by visa Applicants or those holding a limited stay visa, or by other non-citizens who have been participating in, and contributing to, the Australian community only for a short period of time.
(6) With respect to decisions to refuse, cancel, and revoke cancellation of a visa, Australia will generally afford a higher level of tolerance of criminal or other serious conduct by non-citizens who have lived in the Australian community for most of their life, or from a very young age. The level of tolerance will rise with the length of time a non-citizen has spent in the Australian community, particularly in their formative years.
(7) Decision-makers must take into account the primary and other considerations relevant to the individual case. In some circumstances, the nature of the non-citizen's conduct, or the harm that would be caused if the conduct were to be repeated, may be so serious that even strong countervailing considerations may be insufficient to justify not cancelling or refusing the visa, or revoking a mandatory cancellation.
(8) In particular, the inherent nature of certain conduct such as family violence and the other types of conduct or suspected conduct mentioned in paragraph 8.5(2) (Expectations of the Australian Community) is so serious that even strong countervailing considerations may be insufficient in some circumstances, even if the non-citizen does not pose a measureable risk of causing physical harm to the Australian community.
(1) protection of the Australian community from criminal or other serious conduct;
(2) whether the conduct engaged in constituted family violence;
(3) the strength, nature and duration of ties to Australia;
(4) the best interests of minor children in Australia;
(5) expectations of the Australian community.
a) legal consequences of the decision; > > b) extent of impediments if removed; > > c) impact on Australian business interests.
(a) that she was arrested at her workplace in October 2017 for 'retweeting' Twitter posts concerning the treatment of the Kurdish people in Turkey, with no additional commentary in the posts [4]; > > (b) her actions were a deeply personal and emotional expression of grief and frustration due to her Kurdish identity, and was not a political act [6]; > > (c) she shared the posts as an expression of solidarity with the Kurdish people and not to incite or provoke [8]; > > (d) she is a peaceful, law-abiding person who believes in justice and equality, and she is not a political activist [11]; and > > (e) she has not since posted on social media and is committed to a peaceful and responsible life [15].
(a) she did not make the tweets dated 3 March 2016 (Annex A) and August 2016 (Annex D); > > (b) the flag depicted in the tweet dated 4 March 2016 is not that of the PKK but in fact an Iraqi Kurdish flag (Annex B); > > (c) she cannot recall making the retweets dated 12 March 2016 (Annex C) and 15 August 2016 (Annex E); and > > (d) she does recall making the tweets dated 21 September 2016 (Annex F), 5 October 2016 (Annex G), and 21 January 2017 (Annex H) and in her recollection it depicts her friend who had recently disappeared.
(a) the insurgency led by the PKK killed an estimated 40,000 people between 1984 and a 2013 ceasefire, which collapsed leading to resumption of security operations [2.3]; > > (b) Turkish laws on terrorism have been criticised as including a vague definition of both terrorism and terrorist offender [2.50]; > > (c) by the end of September 2018, the resumed conflict had caused the deaths of over 4,000 and clashes continued through late 2017 and early 2018 [2,52]; > > (d) Turkish forces and Syrian rebel allies conducted operations in Syria in early 2018 including against the YPG, considered a PKK-aligned terrorist organisation [2.53]; > > (e) a State of Emergency was declared following the attempted coup in mid-2016, and included extensive powers leading to a crackdown including legal proceedings against over 44,000 people 'on a variety of terrorism charges, including for being ... members of the PKK, and other organisations' [2.55]; > > (f) some Turkish citizens associate all Kurds with the PKK, and a range of assimilationist policies particularly affect the Kurdish population, are deeply resented, and fuel the long running conflict with the PKK [3.3]-[3.4]; > > (g) the government response to the 2016 coup significantly affected the rights and freedoms of Kurds, and these citizens, particularly in the area of the conflict, face 'a high risk of violence and discrimination' [3.5]-[3.6]; > > (h) the state of emergency powers were used to target a wide range of Kurdish individuals accused of supporting the PKK, although Kurds in Western Turkey are not necessarily subject to the same level of risk as others [3.7]-[3.8]; and > > (i) 'pro-Kurdish activists who made comments on social media that authorities found offensive were now likely to be identified as PKK supporters and faced much harsher punishments than in the past: instead of one to two months in prison, activists now faced years' long charges on broad terror offences ...' [3.47].
In March 2025, the PKK (designated a terrorist organisation by Türkiye, Australia, the United States and the European Union among others) declared a unilateral ceasefire following a call from its imprisoned leader, Abdullah Ocalan, for it to disarm and dissolve. In May 2025, the PKK announced it would disband, formally ending one of the world's longest-running conflicts. The full implications of this development for Türkiye and the broader region were unknown at the time of writing.
(a) the Australian government first listed the PKK as a terrorist organisation in December 2005, and it was relisted on six subsequent occasions, most recently in August 2021; > > (b) the organisation was listed pursuant to Division 102 of the Criminal Code Act 1995 (Cth) (the Criminal Code) and is described as 'an ideologically motivated violent extremist organisation'; > > (c) the PKK maintains links with other Kurdish violent extremist organisations such as the YPG, and the Turkish government does not distinguish between them; and > > (d) 'the Kurdistan Worker's Party does not currently pose a direct threat to Australian interests' and one Australian has been charged with being a member of the PKK (Renis Lelikan) and was subject to a three-year Community Correction Order.[4]
(a) the Turkish court made no finding of violent motive on Ms NRFD's behalf, and found no material damage had occurred; > > (b) as a general proposition, support for terrorism is serious but the PKK has not sought to cause harm in Australia, and the organisation is seen by Kurds as a symbol of their desire for greater recognition; > > (c) Ms NRFD's conviction occurred at a period of heightened political attention in respect of the Kurdish people; > > (d) Ms NRFD voluntarily disclosed her conviction; and > > (e) some doubt arises as to whether her conduct amounts to criminal conduct in Australia, or would result in a similar sentence of imprisonment.
(a) The nature of the organisation's past activities and potential future activities are relevant to determining the objective seriousness of the offending, and the PKK has operated in a relatively confined geographic location 'and does not at present present a direct threat to this country' [123]; > > (b) the PKK 'as a matter of fact, neither advocates nor engages in the indiscriminate killing of civilians', noting however that Australia has classified it as a terrorist organisation [124]; and > > (c) the sentencing judge had taken account of the Respondent's renunciation of violence and correctly stated that continuing 'to support the PKK's objectives (no doubt in common with many other Kurdish people) did not lead to the conclusion that he was either of bad character or had any dangerous propensity' [144].
The risk to the Australian community should the non-citizen commit further offences or engage in other serious conduct
(a) she has a lifelong interest in community service and social justice, including provision of assistance following an earthquake in 2023 [13]-[14]; > > (b) she poses no risk to the Australian community, has taken every step to lead a law-abiding life, and is well-educated, hardworking and committed to contributing to Australian society [24]-[25]; and > > (c) she nominates examples of positive contributions to family and community, identifies her plans to undertake further study and commence a family with Mr Herki [26]-[27].
The strength, nature and duration of ties to Australia
Best interests of minor children in Australia affected by the decision
[1] The previous spelling Turkey is also used at times in these reasons.
[2] I note these are references to, respectively, male and female-led Syrian Kurdish militias. See generally the Wikipedia entries for the YPG and YPJ.
[4] See: R v Lelikan (No. 5) [2019] NSWSC 494; R v Lelikan [2019] NSWCCA 316.
Arachchi
Minister for Immigration, Citizenship, Migrant Services and Multicultural Affairs
Arachchi v Minister for Immigration, Citizenship, Migrant Services and Multicultural Affairs [2022] FCA 1311
R v Lelikan (No. 5) [2019] NSWSC 494
R v Lelikan [2019] NSWCCA 316