THE CONNECTION OF THE WEIPA PENINSULA PEOPLE NATIVE TITLE GROUP TO THE DETERMINATION AREA
36 In his 2018 report, and supplementary 2019 report, Dr McKeown presents a detailed analysis of the connection of the Weipa Peninsula People, and other groups, to the areas he was briefed to report on. That material is informed by the historical, anthropological and archival record, a range of environmental and linguistic data, and on-site field research and interviews with claimants.
37 Dr McKeown describes how archaeological research has shown Aboriginal people were in continuous occupation of the determination areas for at least the last 1,200 years, and possibly up to 2,700 years in relation to the Weipa area on the basis of archaeological research into what are known as the Weipa shell mounds, and therefore were in occupation at the time of the British assertion of sovereignty.
38 Dr McKeown describes in detail the traditional laws and customs observed, including those giving rise to rights and interests in lands and waters. He explains the pressure placed on the claimants' ancestors by pastoralism, missions and government administration. His report reveals the severe and damaging impacts of European colonisation on every aspects of the lives of the claimants' ancestors. Despite these impacts, Dr McKeown explains how the claimants' ancestors, and the claimants, continued to acknowledge and observe traditional law and custom, including those laws and customs that gave rise to rights and interests in land and waters; see 5.3.1 of his report and especially [791]-[793]:
In Section 4.2.1, I set out the laws and customs that were most likely acknowledged and observed by the people of the Report Area, prior to sovereignty, that defined the relationship between people and country; namely that:
1. a person's spirit emerged from places on country, and returned to it after death;
2. these places were referred to by the term for 'father's father'; and
3. these beliefs amounted to a sense of a person 'belonging' to these places and that country,
which I collectively described as the 'laws of belonging'.
In Section 5.2.1, I set out the laws and customs currently acknowledged and observed by the people of the Report Area, that define the relationship between people and country, namely that:
1. a person's spirit is inextricably linked to places on their country;
2. a person refers to these places, known as 'sacred sites' or 'story places', and the spirit ancestors who inhabit them, by the term for 'father's father; and
3. under these laws and customs a person 'belongs' to that place and those places and to that country as their home,
which I characterise as the 'laws of belonging'.
In my opinion, the 'laws of belonging' acknowledged and observed by the people of the Report Area are based on, and substantially the same as the pre-sovereignty laws and customs.
39 The applicant submits that the connection material, including the reports of Dr Redmond, Dr McKeown and Dr Thompson, establishes a credible basis for the proposition that the Atambaya, the Central West Wik, the Taepithiggi, the Umpila, and the Weipa Peninsula People native title groups have maintained their connection to their respective determination areas, under their respective traditional laws and customs since prior to sovereignty. The State supports that submission, and I accept it.
40 The evidence supporting the Weipa Peninsula People group descriptions, and the identification of apical ancestors, is found throughout the reports prepared by Dr McKeown and Ms Waters. Ms Waters' work concentrates on the correct identification of apical ancestors, and is, like her other work for other determinations in this proceeding, meticulous. The State accepts this material, and there is no objection from the other parties to the present determinations.
41 Finally, it is appropriate to set out some extracts from Ms George's statement provided to the State and the Court. As I noted in the 2021 determinations, it is the group members who "live and understand their law and custom, and how it connects them to their country": Kuuku Ya'u determination at [68]; Uutaalnganu determination at [59].
42 Ms George is descended from two sub-groups of the Weipa Peninsula People, being Algnith through her maternal nanna Jean George and Mbiywom Oyonton/Trotj through her maternal grandfather Roy George. In her witness statement, Ms George describes her childhood spent on Weipa country:
I was born on Thursday Island. I grew up between Napranum and Aurukun. My home was in Napranum but trips to Aurukun for family and cultural obligations were constant. The trips were always with family, such as my nanna Jean George, my grandfather Roy George, my mum Annie and my stepfather Percy. We went by boat or car to attend funerals, ceremonies, house openings or to just to stay during middle season, dry season. When the dry season came, it would then be time to go out and live on country.
…
Growing up, I went all over our country. For a time, we stayed in an old Queenslander with families inside and families camped outside while on holidays at an outstation called 'Wathaniin' outside of Aurukun ... The little outstation plane would take families to all the outstations in the area. I remember being taken out by families to look for water nuts, called panja, in the swamp. We played bush games using the bushmen peg and put a stick through and played cricket. I was taught by my nanna how to swim out into the middle of the swamp to get waterlily without getting caught by a crocodile. We ate the stems but we had to be careful not let Kootheeth Erdin, the fairy, steal our waterlilies or our belongings. Nanna told me about Ornawa Swamp, where Kootheeth Erdin - the Fairy Dreaming Story, was. Nanna said the fairies were powerful and mysterious. We knew they were there because the old people said that was their dreaming place.
43 Ms George describes an early childhood memory of learning Weipa songs and dances from Weipa women:
My earliest memory of ceremony was when I was 6 or 7 years old. We went to Dry Swamp, a few kilometres out of Aurukun, to a festival. The Grooyte Eylandt mob were there, the Mornington mob were there, and so were all the Wik clans. It was a cultural battle of song and dance. I went to dance in the Weipa group; I went there with my grandparents to represent Weipa mob. I learnt to dance the old Weipa songs and dances mainly from my nanna, but the old Weipa women, such as Joyce Hall, Ina Hall, Eva Fruit and Kitty Dick were cultural demonstrators and teachers as well. I sat at the feet of these old people and learnt the dances - Kwarr (to sing), Oyol (the cyclone dance) and Yikim Yikim, which is an Alngith song.
44 Ms George also recounts learning about the Dreaming on her country from her grandparents as a young child:
My grandfather put smell on me when I was small. In the first 10 years of my life, until he passed away, he taught me about his country. He spoke to me in language and told me about dreaming connections to Mbiywom Trotj country and the 3 main swamps in this country: Pitji, Oochunyung or Ayontun, and lyunthun. Oochunyung is the Wattle Flower Dreaming. Other spirit ancestors in this area were: Tork, which is snail; Tungtung or llkutj which is freshwater turtle; and Ngol which is small wallaby. I put Oochunyung at the end of each of my paintings because I am connected to that area through my mother - it is a tribal statement to the world and demonstrates respect back to my grandfather. …
I have connection to the Alngith area through Yepenyi, an Alngith man, and Waapun, a Liningithi woman, and my nanna Jean George. I have connections on both sides of the Embley River. Nanna said we have Dreamings on both sides of the Embley river. At Arniyum, on the south side of the Embley River, the Oolay Panj or Gecko Dreaming lives in the bloodwood tree up in Robert's Creek … He guards the produce of the land, calling out 'co co wwwwwwwww! Don't take too much yams, leave some yams for us, the tribal people!'. My spirit says this is a warning for the clearing that is happening at that place now. That place is one of many Dreaming areas for Alngith Liningithi people taught to me by my nanna.
45 Ms George explains the nature of her right to access and use country and resources, and describes how she has the right to take things from her country to use in her art. She emphasises the importance of following cultural rules about taking things from country, and describes the consequences of failing to follow these rules:
My mum and my nanna taught me that we have an automatic right on Mbiywom Trotj country to take things from our country, and to use these things in our art or to make things to sell. We have an unquestionable right to take anything from our country and sell it - sand, gravel, trees, anything. But we still have an obligation to go through an appropriate process, to conduct ourselves with integrity in terms of consulting our families, protecting our country, and making sure the processes are transparent and respect collective ownership. An individual can't do whatever he or she wants - there is responsibility, obligations and we must refer to the old people, as well as our cultural processes.
…
There are some people who have pursued economic ventures on our land without following the rules. They no longer occupy a position of authority in customary law. They are not respected. If you do not follow the rules you will be shunned and lose the respect of the groups, and you will not be invited to the table to speak about country. If you conduct yourself properly, you will be part of the ongoing process for speaking for country and your position will be recognised and respected in a collective sense.
46 Ms George explains her responsibility to pass on her knowledge of country and the rules to future generations:
I continuously hand down knowledge to my children - I tell them what country they have connection to, and what are the rules for that country. When we are on country together I show them where to go, what plants are used for and tell them about dreamings. When he is old enough, I will start doing this with my grandson Lucas.