The article
38 Given the view I take on the question of leave, it is necessary to refer in a little detail to the burden of the article itself (which runs to thirty-five pages). There are two comments I should make about it by way of preface. The first is that the article's concern is not with torture at large (i.e. the infliction of severe pain, suffering or torment as such). Rather it is with a particular sub-species of State-sanctioned or officially authorised torture (i.e. the State-sanctioned infliction of bodily pain etc for the purpose of persuading a person to provide information to avert a grave risk of loss of life). I note in passing that the definitions of "torture" in The Oxford English Dictionary, vol XVIII, 278 (2nd ed) reflect the above differences to the extent of recognising that torture may or may not be inflicted purposively and with State authority.
39 The second comment is that the background to the article are the contemporary prevalence of State-sanctioned torture in many countries and its use by States for interrogative purposes.
40 The following extracts are sufficient to convey the article's tone and tenor.
"(i) [At pp 582-3] We argue that torture is indeed morally defensible, not just pragmatically desirable. The harm minimization rationale is used to supplement our argument.
While a 'civilized' community does not typically condone such conduct this Article contends that torture is morally defensible in certain circumstances, mainly when more grave harm can be avoided by using torture as an interrogation device. The pejorative connotation associated with torture should be abolished. A dispassionate analysis of the propriety of torture indicates that it is morally justifiable.
(ii) [At p 584] Ultimately, torture is simply the sharp end of conduct whereby the interests of one agent are sacrificed for the greater good. As a community, we are willing to accept this principle. Thus, although differing in degree, torture is no different in nature from conduct that we sanction in other circumstances. It should be viewed in this light.
Given this, it is illogical to insist on a blanket prohibition against torture. Therefore, the debate must turn to the circumstances when torture is morally appropriate. This is the topic of this Article.
(iii) [At pp 596-7] Broadly, there are two types of normative moral theories. Consequential moral theories claim that an act is right or wrong depending upon its capacity to maximize a particular virtue, such as happiness. Non-consequential (or deontological) theories claim that the appropriateness of an action is not contingent upon its instrumental ability to produce particular ends, but rather follows from the intrinsic features of the act. Thus, the notion of absolute (or near absolute) rights, which now dominates moral discourse, is generally thought to sit most comfortably in a non-consequentialist ethic. This section proves that torture is permissible pursuant to both of these ethical theories. It is only consequentialist theories, however, that provide a logical framework within which it is possible to demarcate the circumstances in which torture is permissible.
(iv) [At p 607] By drawing comparisons with other situations in which we take the utilitarian option, it is contended that practices such as punishing the innocent and torture are not necessarily unacceptable.
The view that punishing the innocent and torturing individuals is the morally correct action in some circumstances is consistent with and accords with the decisions we as individuals and societies as a whole readily have made and continue to make when faced with extreme and desperate circumstances. Once we come to grips with the fact that our decisions in extreme situations will be compartmentalized to desperate predicaments, we do, and should, though perhaps somewhat begrudgingly, take the utilitarian option. In the fact of extreme situations, we are quite ready to accept that one should, or even must, sacrifice oneself or others for the good of the whole.
For example, in times of war we not only request our strongest and healthiest to fight to the death for the good of the community, but we often demand that they do so under threat of imprisonment or even death.
(v) [At p 611] The only situation where torture is justifiable is where it is used as an information gathering technique to avert a grave risk. In such circumstances, there are five variables relevant in determining whether torture is permissible and the degree of torture that is appropriate. The variables are (1) the number of lives at risk; (2) the immediacy of the harm; (3) the availability of other means to acquire the information; (4) the level of wrongdoing of the agent; and (5) the likelihood that the agent actually does possess the relevant information. Where (1), (2), (4) and (5) rate highly and (3) is low, all forms of harm may be inflicted on the agent - even if this results in death.
(vi) [At p 612] Torture violates the right to physical integrity, which is so important that it is only a threat to the right to life that can justify interference with it. Thus, torture should be confined to situations where the right to life is imperiled.
(vii) [At p 615] The slippery slope argument in the context of torture holds that while torture might be justified in the extreme cases, legalizing it in these circumstances will invariably lead to torture in other less desperate situations.
This argument is not sound in the context of torture. First, the floodgates are already open - torture is widely used, despite the absolute legal prohibition against it. It is, in fact, arguable that it is the existence of an unrealistic absolute ban on torture that has driven torture "beneath the radar screen of accountability" and that the legalization of torture in very rare circumstances would, in fact, reduce the instances of torture because of the increased level of accountability.
Second, there is no evidence to suggest that the lawful violation of fundamental human interests will necessarily lead to a violation of fundamental rights where the pre-conditions for the activity are clearly delineated and controlled.
(viii) [At p 616] Conclusion
The absolute prohibition against torture is morally unsound and pragmatically unworkable. There is a need for measured discussion regarding the merits of torture as an information gathering device. This would result in the legal use of torture in circumstances where there are a large number of lives at risk in the immediate future and there is no other means of alleviating the threat. While none of the recent high profile cases of torture appear to satisfy these criteria, it is likely that circumstances will arise in the future where torture is legitimate and desirable. A legal framework should be established to properly accommodate these situations."