Evidence
57 Santos supports its position with evidence of publicly available material derived from websites and social media platforms. I emphasise again that Santos does not submit that the material provides a sufficient evidentiary basis to warrant a non-party costs order against the addressees. Rather, it submits that the material provides support for a finding that the issuing of a subpoena including Category 2 is warranted. It is not the Court's task to assess the evidence as though it has before it an application to summarily dismiss a non-party costs application against each addressee based only on the presently available material.
58 I will deal first with the subpoenas addressed to Jubilee, Sunrise Project and Environment Centre.
59 The material refers not only to this proceeding but to earlier proceedings in Tipakalippa v National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority (No 2) [2022] FCA 1121; 406 ALR 41 and Santos NA Barossa Pty Ltd v Tipakalippa (2022) 296 FCR 124 (Tipakalippa proceedings). At first instance, the Tipakalippa proceedings involved a successful application by a Tiwi Islander for judicial review of a decision relating to drilling activities within the Barossa Project. As in the present case, the applicant's claim was framed as one advancing the interests of a wider group of Tiwi Islanders being members of clan groups affected by the Barossa Project. As the addressees correctly submitted, those proceedings are distinct from the action brought by the applicants in this case. However, the litigation involved the same competing interests; those of the applicants in protecting (among other things) their cultural heritage as Tiwi people, and the interests of Santos in progressing the Barossa Project.
60 The website stopbarossagas.org shows that there exists a public campaign titled "Stop Barossa Gas" having the sole purpose of stopping or frustrating the Barossa Project. The nature and purpose of the campaign is evident from the website and also from material published by the addressees. The campaign website describes Stop Barossa Gas as an "international alliance" and "collaboration" of organisations including two addressees, Jubilee and the Environment Centre. Publications concerning the campaign include multiple references to First Nations people of the Tiwi Islands, including participants in this proceeding.
61 In its annual report for the 2022 financial year, Jubilee said this of the Tipakalippa proceedings:
The Stop Barossa Gas campaign, which we co-founded, won a crucial Federal Court ruling against Australian gas company Santos in favour of Tiwi Island Traditional Owners; …
62 That statement may reasonably be interpreted as equating the participants in the Stop Barossa Gas campaign with the position of the successful applicant in the Tipakalippa proceedings. It tends to suggests that Jubilee, as a co-founder of Stop Barossa Gas, considered itself to be a successful litigant. The statement is reasonably capable of suggesting that the participants in Stop Barossa Gas had done something to bring about the successful result. At the very least it is suggestive of some form of relationship between Jubilee and the applicant in the Tipakalippa proceedings involving some form of material facilitation. These are tentative observations only. No substantive finding is necessary.
63 A similar statement appeared in a version of the 2022 annual report of Sunrise Project. As at January 2024, that report contained the following statement:
Working with our network of partners, we have:
- Won a legal challenge by Tiwi Islands Traditional Owners that resulted in cancellation of the proposed AUD $5.5 billion offshore Barossa Gas Project. The win withstood appeal by Santos, a world top 20 oil and gas company, leaving drilling rigs idle since September 2022 and the project facing delays of up to 18 months.
64 That statement was removed from the annual report on 21 February 2024, after Sunrise Project was served with the subject subpoena. A solicitor for Sunrise Project gave affidavit evidence of her instructions explaining why that change occurred. She said that an employee responsible for the preparation of the annual report was on leave when it was prepared, and that she removed the statement upon forming the view that (among other things) it inaccurately gave the impression that Sunrise Project was a party to the Tipakalippa proceedings or that it had represented the applicants in those proceedings.
65 The inaccuracy is plain enough. But it remains that other personnel within Sunrise Project were content to publish the 2022 annual report to the world at large in a form containing the statement. Again assessed at a preliminary level, the statement is reasonably capable of supporting an inference that there existed a relationship between Sunrise Project and its "network partners" involving support for proceedings of some kind that caused Sunrise Project to claim credit for the win as if it were its own.
66 It was submitted that the above statement related to different proceedings and so could not, on any view, be relevant in assessing the relationship between the addressees and the applicants in this proceeding.
67 As with the statement in the Jubilee annual report, the potential relevance of the statements is to be considered in light of the evidence as a whole, including evidence suggesting that the Stop Barossa Gas campaign was ongoing in the period of the litigation in this action and that it existed to stop the Barossa Project entirely. The statement suggests that there existed a cooperative effort of some kind that brought about the outcome in the earlier proceedings, celebrated because it stalled the Barossa Project and so aligned with the values of Jubilee, Sunrise Project and the campaign more generally. Standing alone the statements do not support a finding that there existed a relationship in the earlier proceedings that might have been sufficient to support a non-party costs order in those proceedings. But they are sufficient to support a conclusion that the issuing of the subpoenas in the present case is not based on mere speculation. It is enough that they raise questions as to whether the facilitation of litigation in one form or another is an activity engaged in by Jubilee and Sunrise Project in their pursuit of the singular objective of the Stop Barossa Gas campaign.
68 The participants in the Stop Barossa Gas campaign include the Environment Centre. In its annual report of 2022 - 2023 it too made statements suggesting that it had some involvement in the outcome of the Tipakalippa proceedings. The report says this of the Stop Barossa Gas campaign:
The past year has been one of profound significance in the campaign against Santos' Barossa gas project, located north of the Tiwi Islands.
Working alongside Tiwi people and a coalition of organisations across Australia and the world, the Barossa project has been stalled for over twelve months thanks to one of the most successful campaigns in the country.
69 Given what follows, the "stalling" there referred to may be understood as delay resulting from the relief granted in the Tipakalippa proceedings. The report goes on to state:
There are so many different components of this complex project, and ECNT is leading the charge. As a result of community pressure, the NT EPA demanded that Santos produce a full emissions profile of the entire Barossa gas project, ensuring the emissions profile is subject to the scrutiny of both the public and the environmental regulator. Santos have not secured a single approval for their dirty gas project in over 12 months, and the public is more engaged than ever in scrutinising their plans. The false promise of carbon capture and storage (CCS) has been scrutinized by ECNT. We have led national civil society advocacy on the government's amendments to the Sea Dumping bill that would allow for a pernicious form of carbon colonialism: gas companies' plans to dump CO2 into Timor Leste's waters.
Whether it is meeting with overseas financial institutions, mobilising the community to write submissions to the regulator, organising solidarity demonstrations outside the Federal Court or dancing on the lawns of the Botanic Gardens with Tiwi Elders, ECNT's work on the Barossa project has taken us places that were unimaginable at the beginning of the campaign. As we write this, Santos' contracted drilling rig sits idly in the Timor Sea and is prevented from destroying the Sea Country that Tiwi people have so courageously fought to defend.
70 Earlier in the report, the Executive Director of the Environment Centre reported that it was difficult to distil all of its achievements in that year into a few lines, and said that:
… we are particularly proud of how:
• we helped Tiwi people defeat gas giant Santos not once, but twice in the Federal Court, sending shockwaves throughout the industry not just in Australia, but across the world. Some twelve months after this victory, the Barossa gas project is still stalled. Our work must continue to stop Australia's dirtiest gas project.
71 As in the examples above, that statement may be understood as referring to the Tipakalippa proceedings. As such, the "help" referred to may be understood as referring to some form of assistance given to Tiwi people that contributed in some material way to their success in that litigation, both at first instance and on appeal. The statement relates to earlier proceedings, however it also discloses an intention to continue the same work. Questions arise as to what "help" was provided and whether "help" of that kind extended to this proceeding directed to the same outcome of defeating or stalling the Barossa Project. In light of that material, the possibility of there being a relevant connection in the present case is not a matter of baseless speculation. Documents in Category 2 may reasonably be expected to shed some light on the existence and nature of any such connection and so shed light on the question of whether there are grounds for a non-party costs order against Environment Centre. They may well show that there is no relevant connection. But that does not justify the setting aside of Category 2.
72 The social media pages of the addressees are also in evidence. In many instances those pages evidence the addressees engaging in activities to stop the Barossa Project that are unrelated to the litigation in the present case. Those kinds of publications are insufficient to support the subpoenas in and of themselves, but nor do they rebut the inferences that may be drawn from the content of the annual reports to which I have referred. That is especially so because the publicly available statements are not an exhaustive collation of evidence that may inform the existence of a relationship of a kind that may reasonably support a non-party costs application.
73 Other posts on the social media pages contain expressions of moral solidarity with the applicants in connection with this proceeding, urging members of the public to express their own support by signing a petition or physically attending the trial of the action. In my view, the mere expression of moral support for a litigant would be insufficient to support a costs order against the person providing encouragement of that kind. Absent the self-laudatory statements in the annual reports, I would have concluded that there was insufficient material to justify the maintenance of Category 2 in the subpoenas issued to Jubilee, Sunrise Project and Environment Centre. It would not be enough to show merely that an addressee expressed views against the Barossa Project and published expressions of moral support for litigants who had brought proceedings to stop the pipeline. Nor would it be sufficient to show that a person has vehemently criticised the Barossa Project in public discourse, as each addressee is perfectly entitled to do. Those observations explain why I have formed a different conclusion in relation to the subpoena served on Market Forces.
74 Unlike the other addressees, there is nothing to suggest that Market Forces has equated any success or milestone in any litigation related to the Barossa Project as a success of its own. In one post, Market Forces credits the applicant's success in the Tipakalippa proceedings in part to the EDO and Environment Centre.
75 Some publications on Market Forces' social media platforms are in the form of reportage of these proceedings and include expressions of moral support for the applicants. They are heavily focussed on applying pressure on the financiers of the Barossa Project to withdraw their finance. The social media pages show that Market Forces has worked with Tiwi Islanders in meeting that discrete objective, but unlike the evidence contained in the annual reports discussed above, there are no indications that it has "helped" in litigation or "won" a legal proceeding, whether alone or in conjunction with others.
76 In the circumstances described I do not consider there to be a sufficient basis to warrant the issue of the subpoena containing Category 2 against Market Forces. At a threshold level a question does not arise as to whether it has a connection with the EDO, the applicants and the litigation of a kind that would warrant a non-party costs order against it. It is not enough to show that Market Forces is a fierce critic of the Barossa Project nor that it has publicly encouraged the applicants to pursue their claims for relief in the proceeding.