Issue (3): Challenge to status of local council
43A fresh ground in the amended notice of appeal asserted that the primary judge had erred in holding that the State legislature was "not precluded from creating a new body politic, and had done so effectively, and that in any event it did not affect the result": par 13A. This was a reference to the findings of the primary judge at [61]-[74], rejecting the proposition that local councils now have no lawful existence. It is not clear that his Honour separately held that a different conclusion would have been immaterial: rather, he referred to the "contention built upon that foundation, namely that the Council did not have power to consider and approve" the development application in respect of the school. Although he accepted that no relief had been sought against the Council, it is usual practice to join the council in a challenge to a development consent, even though it may properly play no part in the proceedings, in accordance with Oshlack v Richmond River Council [1998] HCA 11; 193 CLR 72.
44The argument underlying the applicants' claim relies upon the status of councils under the Local Government Act . Prior to the commencement of the Local Government Amendment (Legal Status) Act 2008 (NSW) on 20 November 2008, a council was said to be a body corporate. The amendments in 2008 introduced a new s 220 in the following terms:
" 220 Legal status of a council
(1) A council is a body politic of the State with perpetual succession and the legal capacity and powers of an individual, both in and outside the State.
(2) A council is not a body corporate (including a corporation).
(3) A council does not have the status, privileges and immunities of the Crown (including the State and the Government of the State).
(4) A law of the State applies to and in respect of a council in the same way as it applies to and in respect of a body corporate (including a corporation)."
45The apparent purpose of the provision, as revealed in the Minister's second reading speech, was "to remove the possibility that a council might be characterised as a constitutional corporation and therefore an employer for the purposes of the Commonwealth's Workplace Relations Act. It will ensure that a council cannot be subject to ... Federal industrial relations legislation": Judgment at [72].
46His Honour rejected the submission that the State legislature had no power to create "bodies politic" which were not in fact individuals or corporations. His Honour rejected that submission as being inconsistent with the plenary power of the State Parliament, subject to the Commonwealth Constitution. However, he also held that if the submission were correct, the result would not be the destruction of local councils, but the invalidity of s 220. There would remain a body capable of carrying out the statutory functions conferred on councils by, amongst other legislation, the Local Government Act and the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act 1979 (NSW).
47Support for the proposition that the legislature had power to enact the law in the form of s 220 was found in Part 8 of the Constitution Act 1902 (NSW) headed "Local Government" and containing the following provision:
" 51 Local government
(1) There shall continue to be a system of local government for the State under which duly elected or duly appointed local government bodies are constituted with responsibilities for acting for the better government of those parts of the State that are from time to time subject to that system of local government.
(2) The manner in which local government bodies are constituted and the nature and extent of their powers, authorities, duties and functions shall be as determined by or in accordance with laws of the Legislature.
(3) The reference in subsection (2) to laws of the Legislature shall be read as a reference to laws that have been enacted by the Legislature, whether before or after the commencement of this section, and that are for the time being in force."
48His Honour also referred to s 5 of the Constitution Act , conferring power on the legislature, subject to the provisions of the Commonwealth Constitution, to make laws "for the peace, welfare and good government of New South Wales in all cases whatsoever ...": see A Twomey, The Constitution of New South Wales (Federation Press, 2004) pp 168-173. Section 2(2) of the Australia Acts of 1986 is to similar effect. Professor Twomey describes the early history of local government in New South Wales at 32-33. It was, apparently, not until the enactment of the Local Government (Shires) Act 1905 (NSW), dividing the whole State (other than the City of Sydney and any other existing municipality) into shires that there was a universal system of local government: s 5(1). The shires were to be governed by a council, initially of five members appointed for the purpose of conducting elections: s 7. A council was not incorporated and the Act provided that any officer or servant of the council could be appointed to represent and act for the council in legal proceedings: s 54(2). At that stage, it is apparent that councils were not bodies corporate and, depending on the scope of the phrase, may well have been "bodies politic". (As Twomey explains, s 51 of the Constitution Act was introduced in 1986, after the failed referendum seeking to introduce a provision relating to local government into the Commonwealth Constitution in 1974.)
49It was not entirely clear whether the applicants' contention was that the State could not legislate to create a "body politic", or that it could not legislate to create a local council as a "body politic". It was also unclear why the descriptor "body politic" was seen to be significant. It is convenient to identify a relevant meaning for that phrase.
50The phrase is used generically to describe a social group, which may or may not have legal personality, but has constitutional significance, in the broadest sense of that term. The defining characteristics of the body will vary according to the circumstances. In Lipohar v The Queen [1999] HCA 65; 200 CLR 485, the High Court considered whether a conspiracy which involved elements in different parts of Australia, had a sufficient connection with South Australia to be capable of prosecution in that State. The State itself was identified as a body politic, on behalf of which a prosecution might be instituted, a court might adjudicate innocence or guilt and from which the power to enforce a court order derived: at, respectively, [107] and [48] (Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ).
51The term was used extensively in Re Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs; Ex parte Meng Kok Te [2002] HCA 48; 212 CLR 162. In resisting deportation, the applicant asserted that he was "a member of the community constituting the body politic of Australia": at [17]. As explained by Gleeson CJ, that concept was used as an antonym for "alien", for the purposes of s 51(xix) of the Constitution: at [38]-[39]. For that purpose, a person born in Australia to an Australian citizen is a member of the Australian body politic: at [54], [55], [58] and [59] (Gaudron J); see also at [86], [89] and [90] (McHugh J); [181] (Kirby J) and [223] (Callinan J).
52Bennett v The Commonwealth [2007] HCA 18; 231 CLR 91 concerned a challenge to the validity of a law requiring that a person must be an Australian citizen to vote in an election for the Legislative Assembly of Norfolk Island, being an Australian external territory. The following statement appears in the joint judgment of Gleeson CJ, Gummow, Hayne, Heydon and Crennan JJ at [36]:
"The answer to the question whether an external territory is 'part of the Commonwealth' may depend upon the purpose for which the question is asked. There are different senses in which a place, or a community, or a body politic, may be said to be, or not to be, 'a part of' another place, or community, or body politic."
53The term "body politic" was used in two distinct senses in that case. Thus, one of the plaintiffs was the Administration of Norfolk Island, a body constituted by the Norfolk Island Act 1979 (Cth) as a body politic: at [57]. As Callinan J noted, the submissions of the plaintiffs asserted that the people of Norfolk Island "have never been part of 'the community constituting the Australian body politic'": at [177]. Consistently with this usage, both the Administration and the people of Norfolk Island could, in different senses, be described as bodies politic.
54The term "body politic" was used in discussing the validity of interim control orders for the prevention of terrorist acts: Thomas v Mowbray [2007] HCA 33; 233 CLR 307. Gummow and Crennan JJ noted that a "terrorist act" was defined to mean an act with certain motivations and "the intention to intimidate governments or the public (ie elements of the body politic) ...": at [45]. Their Honours further stated at [142]:
"Next, the plaintiff points to the words 'the Commonwealth and the several States' as indicative of that which is being defended. This is said to be those 'collective' bodies politic rather than the citizens or inhabitants of the Commonwealth or the States and their property. That submission should not be accepted. The notion of a 'body politic' cannot sensibly be treated apart from those who are bound together by that body politic."
55In Thomas , the body politic was identified as those who owed allegiance to the sovereign or to a representative government and those to whom an obligation of protection was, in turn, owed: at [141] and [143]; see also [371] (Kirby J).
56In a related sense, the electorate was identified as a body politic in Roach v Electoral Commissioner . Referring to the system of representative government, Gummow, Kirby and Crennan JJ noted that "the existence and exercise of the franchise reflects notions of citizenship and membership of the Australian federal body politic": at [83]. Incarceration was treated as a form of physical removal from the body politic, whilst obligations continued to exist as between those incarcerated and the broader community: at [84].
57It is clear from this (selective) survey of recent usage of the words "body politic" (which is not a modern term) that it may be used to describe, collectively, a group of persons whether small (being ministers of a government) or large (persons living in Australia). The concept may be defined by characteristics derived from a constitution, but that is not necessarily so. Nor is there any constitutional restraint on the creation by the legislature of a collective group identified as a "body politic". While there may remain real questions as to the legal status of a council for different purposes, it is not possible to contend that s 220 fails to establish a collective body capable of exercising statutory functions, and particularly the consideration of the development applications in respect of land within geographically defined boundaries. Nor is it open to contend that the phrase "body politic" has such an inexorable meaning that the State is altering the limits of itself contrary to s 123 of the Constitution. Accordingly, no error has been demonstrated on the part of the primary judge in so far as he struck out pleadings supportive of such a claim, being the claims for relief in paragraphs 2, 3 and 4 of the amended summons and, it would appear, paragraph 27 (and perhaps other paragraphs) of the points of claim. Leave to appeal on these grounds should be refused.