WILLIAM RISK, HELEN SECRETARY & PAULINE BABAN ON BEHALF OF THE LARRAKIA... [2006] FCA 404 | Case summary

WILLIAM RISK, HELEN SECRETARY & PAULINE BABAN ON BEHALF OF THE LARRAKIA... [2006] FCA 404 | Case summary | Zoe

Risk v Northern Territory of Australia [2006] FCA 404

These proceedings are a consolidation of native title determination applications under the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) (the NT Act), filed by three different groups of applicants in relation to land and waters in and around Darwin in the Northern Territory.
The claim area covers parts of metropolitan Darwin and its surrounds on the Darwin Peninsula. It comprises many sections of land and waters within an overall area of about 30 kilometres square. Generally, the claim area includes only those parts of the land where there has not been residential or commercial development. It encompasses mostly areas of Crown land as well as some land held by the Darwin City Council and the Palmerston City Council.
There were three different claimant groups within the consolidated proceedings: the Larrakia applicants; the Quall applicants; and the Roman applicants. The Roman applicants discontinued their claim during the course of the hearing. That left the Larrakia applications on behalf of the 'Larrakia People' and the Quall applications on behalf of the Danggalaba Clan, and the Kulumbiringin Clan. Mr Quall claimed that the Danggalaba Clan was the holder of native title rights and interests over the claim area, rather than the larger Larrakia claim group, because that clan alone had continued to observe the traditional laws and customs of the Aboriginal society which existed at sovereignty.
All of the individuals named in the Quall applications were also named as part of the Larrakia People. In my reasons and in this summary I use the term 'Larrakia people' as encompassing both the Larrakia applicants and the Quall applicants.
The hearing took place over 68 days at the Supreme Court in Darwin and at other places in the claim area. The evidence, particularly the documentary evidence, was very extensive. I commend all parties for their conduct of the hearing, their comprehensive and focused submissions, and their co-operation in the timetabling of witnesses and other procedural issues. All parties should also be appreciative of the thorough and careful work done on their behalf by their legal representatives to ensure their cases were fully and properly presented, and the contentions in support of them effectively argued.
Three broad issues fall to be determined on any application for determination of native title, including this application. Firstly, whether the Larrakia people have established that they were possessed of native title rights and interests in the claim area as defined in s 223(1) of the NT Act; secondly, if such rights do exist, the detailed nature of those rights; and thirdly, whether such rights have been extinguished, either at common law or by operation of the provisions of the NT Act.
In this matter each of those three issues was vigorously contested by the main respondents, the Northern Territory and the Darwin City Council.
The first step, the existence of native title rights and interests under s 223(1) of the NT Act, required the Larrakia people to show:
1. that they are a society united in and by their acknowledgement and observance of a body of accepted laws and customs;
2. that the present day body of accepted laws and customs in essence is the same body of laws and customs acknowledged and observed by the ancestors of members of the Larrakia people adapted to modern circumstances; and
3. that the acknowledgement and observance of those laws and customs has continued substantially uninterrupted by each generation since sovereignty in 1825, when the area of the then colony of New South Wales was extended westwards to a longitudinal line west of the Darwin area, and that the society has continued to exist throughout that period as a body united in and by its acknowledgement and observance of those laws and customs. That was all decided by the High Court in Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria (2002) 214 CLR 422.
I have found that, at sovereignty, there was a society of indigenous persons who had rights and interests possessed under traditional laws and customs, and giving them a connection to the land and waters of the claim area. I have also found that that society continued to exist to European settlement from about 1869, and continued to exist into the 20th Century, and that it continued to enjoy rights and interests under the same or substantially similar traditional laws and customs as those which existed at sovereignty. I have also found that the society was the Larrakia people, and not some different indigenous group.
That is a step along the way. As explained, s 223(1) of the NT Act also requires that the rights and interests in land or waters under traditional laws and customs are still possessed under a system of rules that has had a continued existence and vitality since sovereignty. 'If that normative system has not existed throughout that period the rights and interests which owe their existence to that system will have ceased to exist': Yorta Yorta at [47]. In that event, the current rights and interests will not flow from traditional laws and customs.
The Larrakia community of today is a vibrant, dynamic society which embraces its history and traditions. This group has shown its strength as a community, able to re-animate its traditions and customs, following a period of integration of Aboriginal people into non-Aboriginal society. There is, and has been, a continuous recognition in the Darwin area of certain persons as Larrakia, both by self-identification and by community recognition. Many members of the Larrakia community gave evidence during the course of the hearing. I was impressed by the genuineness and honesty of all of those witnesses.
The evidence shows that a combination of circumstances has, in various ways, interrupted or disturbed the presence of the Larrakia people in the Darwin area during several decades of the 20th Century in a way that has affected their continued observance of, and enjoyment of, the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people that existed at sovereignty. The settlement of Darwin from 1869, the influx of other Aboriginal groups into the claim area, the attempted assimilation of Aboriginal people into the European community and the consequences of the implementation of those attempts and other government policies (however one might judge their correctness), led to the reduction of the Larrakia population, the dispersal of many Larrakia people from the claim area, and to a significant breakdown in Larrakia people's observance and acknowledgement of traditional laws and customs.
I have found that the effect of those circumstances is that the current Larrakia society, with its laws and customs, has not carried forward the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people so as to support the conclusion that those traditional laws and customs have had a continued existence and vitality since sovereignty. Some of the evidence reveals a correspondence between current and traditional laws and customs. But the oral evidence also reveals significant inconsistencies between members of the present applicants about what their laws and customs are, and the extent to which they are practiced. It reveals in many instances the adoption of knowledge of traditional laws and customs from those learned during the hearing of the Kenbi land claim concerning the Cox Peninsula and then later from other research, as well as by direct inquiry of elderly Larrakia and non-Larrakia people. The oral evidence discloses a level of generality of knowledge which is not consistent with the acquisition of knowledge in accordance with the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people. Ultimately, I have concluded that during much of the 20th century, the evidence does not show the passing on of knowledge of the traditional laws and customs from generation to generation in accordance with those laws and customs.
I have therefore reached the conclusion that the present society comprising the Larrakia people does not now have rights and interests possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs observed, by the Larrakia people at sovereignty. That is because I do not find that their current laws and customs are 'traditional' in the sense required by s 223(1) and as explained by the High Court in Yorta Yorta.
The present laws and customs of the Larrakia people reflect a sincere and intense desire to re-establish those traditional laws and customs adapted to the modern context. They are the consequence of significant efforts on the part of many to achieve that result. It is an entirely proper objective. It is apparent that the process is enriching the lives of the Larrakia people, and of the Darwin community. That, however, is not a sufficient factual foundation for making a determination of native title rights and interests in this proceeding.
In those circumstances, I must dismiss the application. Darwin 13 April 2006

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Risk v Northern Territory of Australia [2006] FCA 404 NATIVE TITLE - application for determination of native title over various sites in and around Darwin by the Larrakia people - society of Larrakia people with traditional laws and customs existed at sovereignty in 1825 - same society existed at European settlement from 1869 - subsequent disruption of Larrakia society and its practice of traditional laws and customs caused by development of settlement in Darwin, influx of other Aboriginal groups into the area, policy of assimilation of indigenous peoples into white society, other governmental policies, removal of people including indigenous people from Darwin during World War II - whether current society of Larrakia people continues to enjoy native title rights and interests under the traditional laws and customs - whether traditional system of laws and customs has continued uninterrupted and with vitality since sovereignty NATIVE TITLE - consideration of means of proof of authorisation of application in accordance with traditional laws and customs of claimant groups NATIVE TITLE - consideration of admissibility and utility of anthropological evidence NATIVE TITLE - evidence and findings in Report concerning related land by Aboriginal Land Rights Commissioner under the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (Cth) - consideration of circumstances in which the evidence and/or findings may be used under s 86 of the Native Title Act 1993 NATIVE TITLE - EXTINGUISHMENT - consideration of ss 47A and 47B of Native Title Act 1993 - whether the sections apply at all to applications made prior to 30 September 1998 when those sections were enacted - consideration of 'the area' - consideration of occupation sufficient to satisfy those sections - consideration of what constitutes a 'prior interest' - whether s 47B can apply within a proclaimed township by reason of the proclamation NATIVE TITLE - EXTINGUISHMENT - consideration of s 23B(9C) of Native Title Act 1993 Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (Cth) Evidence Act 1995 (Cth) Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) Native Title Amendment Act 1998 (Cth) Aboriginals Ordinance 1918 (NT) Welfare Ordinance 1953 (NT) Native Title Bill 1993 (Cth) Validation (Native Title) Act (NT) Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) Local Government Ordinance 1954 (NT) Local Government Act 1993 (NT) Acts Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth) Mabo v Queensland (No 2) (1992) 175 CLR 1 cited Western Australia v Ward (2002) 213 CLR 1 followed Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria (2002) 214 CLR 422 applied Commonwealth v Yarmirr (2001) 208 CLR 1 followed Quall v Risk [2001] FCA 378 followed Dieri People v State of South Australia (2003) 127 FCR 364 referred to Edward Landers v State of South Australia (2003) 128 FCR 495 referred to Daniel for the Ngaluma People v Western Australia [1999] FCA 686 cited Eora People - Brown v NSW Minister for Land and Water Conservation [2000] FCA 1238 cited Donnelly v Minister for Land and Water Conservation [1999] FCA 1581 cited Bodney v Bropho (2004) 140 FCR 77 discussed Daniel v Western Australia (2002) 194 ALR 278 discussed Holborow v State of Western Australia [2002] FCA 1428 cited Bodney v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 890 referred to Bodney v Bropho (2004) 149 FCR 77 discussed Wharton on behalf of the Kooma People v State of Queensland [2003] FCA 1398 considered Branfield v Wharton [2004] FCAFC 138 referred to Lawson v Minister for Land and Water Conservation (NSW) [2002] FCA 1517 referred to Strickland v Native Title Registrar (1999) 168 ALR 242 cited Western Australia v Strickland (2000) 99 FCR 33 cited Quandamooka People (No 1) v State of Queensland [2002] FCA 259 cited Duren v Kiama Council [2001] FCA 1363 cited Hayes v Northern Territory (1999) 97 FCR 32 referred to Daniel v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 666 considered Allied Interstate (Qld) Pty Limited v Barnes (1968) 118 CLR 581 referred to The Wandarang, Alawa, Marra and Ngalakan Peoples v Northern Territory (2000) 104 FCR 380 followed Northern Land Council v Olney (1992) 34 FCR 470 referred to Phillips v State of Western Australia [2000] FCA 1274 discussed Daniel v State of Western Australia [2000] FCA 1356 cited Neowarra v State of Western Australia (No 1) (2003) 134 FCR 208 followed Daniel v State of Western Australia (2000) 178 ALR 542 referred to Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v State of Western Australia (No 2) (2003) FCA 893 discussed Jango v Northern Territory of Australia (No 2) [2004] FCA 1004 discussed Makita (Australia) Pty Ltd v Sprowles (2001) 52 NSWLR 705 referred to Ward v State of Western Australia (1998) 159 ALR 483 referred to The Alyawarr, Kaytetye, Warumungu, Wakay Native Title Claim Group v Northern Territory (2004) 207 ALR 539 referred to R v Perry (No 4) (1981) 28 SASR 119 discussed Quick v Stoland Pty Ltd (1998) 87 FCR 371 discussed Neowarra v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 1402 followed Western Australia v Ward (2000) 99 FCR 316 considered De Rose v South Australia (No 2) (2005) 145 FCR 290 referred to Gerhardy v Brown (1985) 159 CLR 70 cited Rubibi Community v Western Australia (2001) 112 FCR 409 followed Passi on behalf of the Meriam People v Queensland [2001] FCA 697 followed Maxwell v Murphy (1957) 96 CLR 261 cited Mathieson v Burton (1971) 124 CLR 1 cited State of Western Australia v Strickland (2000) 99 FCR 33 referred to Erubam Le (Darnley Islanders) #1 v State of Queensland (2003) 134 FCR 155 referred to Northern Territory of Australia v Alyawarr, Kaytetye, Waranungu, Wakaya Native Title Claim Group [2005] FCAFC 135 referred to Bodney v Westralia Airports Corporation Pty Ltd (2000) 109 FCR 178 cited Gumana v Northern Territory of Australia (No 2) [2005] FCA 1425 referred to Gumana v Northern Territory of Australia (2005) 141 FCR 457 referred to WILLIAM RISK, HELEN SECRETARY & PAULINE BABAN ON BEHALF OF THE LARRAKIA PEOPLE and KEVIN LANCE QUALL ON BEHALF OF THE DANGGALABA & KULUMBIRINGIN PEOPLE v NORTHERN TERRITORY OF AUSTRALIA and DARWIN CITY COUNCIL and AMATEUR FISHERMEN'S ASSOCIATION OF THE NORTHERN TERRITORY & OTHERS NTD 6033 of 2001 JUSTICE MANSFIELD 13 APRIL 2006 DARWIN

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Par. NATURE OF THE CLAIM The Larrakia Applications The Quall Applications The Roman Application Description of Claim Area The Determination Sought THE HEARING THE LAW IN RELATION TO NATIVE TITLE AUTHORISATION UNDER The Authorisation Process Section 251B(a): CONSIDERATION OF THE EVIDENCE The Period 1825 - c 1910 Archaeological Evidence The 19th Century (i) The Ethnographic Evidence (ii) The Historical Evidence (iii) The Linguistic Evidence (iv) The Records (v) Location and Cultural Practices Conclusions The Period 1910 - WW II The Aborigines Act 1910 Establishment of Cultural Practices The Period WW II - 1970 Larrakia Land Claims Kulaluk Land Claim Gundal Land Claim Land Claim Over Dariba Nunggalinya The Kenbi Claim The Anthropological Evidence The Form of the Anthropological The Content of the (i) Kinship (ii) Family Groups/Clans Genealogies (i) The Blanchie Family (ii) The McLennan Family (iii) The Cubillo Family (iv) The Frith Family (v) The Djalamin and King Tommy Family CURRENT LARRAKIA SOCIETY Cultural Organisation and Practices Kinship Mourning/Funerary Rites Birth/Infant Practices Family Groups/Clans Membership of the Larrakia Group Economy and Resource Use Hunting, Fishing Sharing, Conserving Restrictions on Consumption Knowledge about Location Methods for hunting Spirituality Dreamings (i) Place Dreamings (ii) Personal Dreamings (iii) Family/Clan Dreamings/Totems Mythical Malevolent Being Ancestors Site Specific Ceremonies and Rites (i) 'Calling (ii) Washing in Salt Giving Offerings to Country Involvement in Ceremony Knowledge about Sacred Sites Dances Songs Other Aspects Social Structure Elders/the 'Larrakia Nation' Transmission of Knowledge Language 'Country' Extent of Larrakia Country Feeling Good About Country Looking After Sites THE SECOND APPLICANTS CONCLUSIONS REGARDING EXTINGUISHMENT The Principles of Extinguishment The Evidence Section 44H of the NT Act Section 47A and Section 47B Section 47A: Whether The Area Occupation Whether Section 47A Prior Interest Whether Section 47B Section 23B(9C) General The Other Respondents ORDERS 1 8 10 12 15 26 31 44 S 61 OF THE NATIVE TITLE ACT 63 80 decision-making under individual laws and customs 87 95 98 101 107 109 120 139 Relating to the latter part of the 19th Century 146 Population of the Larrakia Tribe 194 of the Larrakia People during the early European Settlement Period 197 230 240 241 Kahlin Compound at Cullen Bay 247 of the Larrakia People between 1910 and WW II 300 342 373 375 404 421 427 444 Evidence 446 Anthropological Evidence 475 475 488 495 501 506 508 521 523 527 533 533 543 555 556 560 571 and Gathering Resources 571 and Not Wasting Resources 578 of Certain Foods 582 and use of Bush Foods, Crafts and Medicines 586 and preparation of Food 594 599 599 602 605 613 625 629 632 out' / 'Singing out' to Spirits 633 Water - Giving Sweat to Country 642 646 648 667 674 676 678 679 680 700 729 732 732 736 738 794 S 223(1) OF THE NATIVE TITLE ACT 802 844 851 864 870 873 the Tenure Attracts its Operation 875 883 888 and Section 47B apply to pre-30 September 1998 Applications 894 904 can apply to Land within the Municipality of Darwin 907 920 928 930 938

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Nature of the claim 1 These proceedings, D6033 of 2001, are a consolidation of native title determination applications under the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) (the NT Act), filed by three different groups of applicants in relation to land and waters in and around Darwin in the Northern Territory. The applications were filed between 1994 and 2001. 2 There were three different groups of applicants encompassed within those 19 applications - the 'Larrakia applicants' (the first applicants), the 'Quall applicants' (the second applicants) and the 'Roman applicants' (the third applicants). The Larrakia applications were made by William Maxwell Risk (DG6007/1998; DG6017/1998; D6007/1999; D6018/1999 and D6026/2001), a deceased person Prince of Wales, Helen Secretary and Bill Risk (who is the same person as William Maxwell Risk) (DG6040 of 1998) and by Pauline Baban (D6001/1999). The Quall applications were made by Kevin Lance ('Tibby') Quall (DG6010/1998; DG6011/1998; DG6012/1998; DG6013/1998; DG6014/1998; DG6015/1998; DG6018/1998; DG6019/1998; DG6022/1998; DG6026/1998; DG6029/1998). The sole Roman application, D6007/2000, was made by Susan Linda Roman on behalf of the Yirra Bandoo Aboriginal Corporation. 3 The consolidated proceedings arose from orders made by a Registrar of the Court on 8 May 2001. Those orders divided application DG6017/1998 (which covered the largest area) into Parts A and B. Part A generally concerned the more urbanised areas in that claim. Part A was to be considered before Part B. The orders then also consolidated Part A of DG6017/1998 with the 18 other applications for the determination of native title into one action - DG6033/2001. The claim areas of the 18 other applications largely, but not entirely, overlapped with Part A of DG6017/1998. The consolidating orders confined the consolidation to those parts of the other 18 claim areas which overlapped with Part A of DG6017/1998. 4 In the event, the hearing proceeded in respect of areas of land and waters in and around Darwin which did not precisely correspond with those areas of land the subject of the consolidated proceeding. The hearing proceeded concerning 216 areas of land and waters described in the Consolidated Proceeding Claim Area List (the Claim Area List) prepared on behalf of the Northern Territory of Australia (the Territory) and the evidence related to those areas. Each area of land and waters was given a 'C' designation and number. That process was apparently adopted after consultation between the parties. 5 In the circumstances, I invited the parties to make submissions as to whether I should alter the consolidation order made on 8 May 2001 to reflect more accurately the matters which were addressed in the evidence. No party contended that I should not do so. Consequently, on 31 January 2005 the Court ordered that the Orders of a Registrar of the Court made 8 May 2001 be varied by the deletion of Order 2 and the insertion of the following in its place.: '2. Pursuant to section 67 of the Native Title Act 1993 and Order 29 rule 5 of the Federal Court Rules: (i) Part A of application DG6017 of 1998; and (ii) Applications DG6007 of 1998, DG6010 of 1998, DG6011 of 1998, DG6012 of 1998, DG6013 of 1998, DG6014 of 1998, DG6015 of 1998, DG6018 of 1998, DG6019 of 1998, DG6022 of 1998, DG6026 of 1998, DG6029 of 1998, DG6040 of 1998, D6001 of 1999, D6007 of 1999, D6018 of 1999, D6007 of 2000, D6026 of 2001 to the extent that the areas subject to the applications described in the attached Consolidated Proceeding Claim Area List; be consolidated and the actions conducted as one ("the consolidated proceedings").'

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CONSOLIDATED PROCEEDING CLAIM AREA LIST CLAIM No. LAND / WATERS DESCRIPTION D6017/98A Other Federal Court No. C0001 Lot 9458 Nightcliff - Lee Point - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0002 Lot 9368 Nightcliff - Lee Point - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0004 Lot 9369 Nightcliff - Buffalo Creek - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0005 Lot 9315 Nightcliff - Behind Lee Pt Caravan Park - DC96/7A Ö C0006 Lot 9370 Nightcliff - Near RAAF Transmitter - DC96/6,DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0008 Lot 9212 Nightcliff - Tracy Village - DC96/3, DC96/7A Ö 6012/98 C0010 Lot 9375 Nightcliff - Casuarina Coastal Reserve - DC96/7A Ö C0011 Lot 9075 Nightcliff - Rapid Creek Fun Park - DC96/7A Ö C0012 Lot 9330 Nightcliff - Rapid Creek Water Gardens - DC96/7A Ö C0013 Lot 9353 Nightcliff - DCC Freehold Rapid Creek - DC96/7A Ö C0014 Coastal Area East of Nightcliff Boat Ramp - DC96/7A Ö C0015 Lot 8695 Nightcliff - DCC Freehold Coastal Park - DC96/7A Ö C0016 Lot 8694 Nightcliff - DCC Freehold Coastal Park - DC96/7A Ö C0017 Nightcliff Boat Ramp - DC96/7A Ö C0018 Coastal Area South of Nightcliff Boat Ramp - DC96/7A Ö C0019 Lot 4543 Nightcliff - Dick Ward Drive - DC96/7A Ö C0020 Lot 4815 Darwin - Karu Park Bagot Road - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0021 Lot 5182 Darwin - Kulaluk - DC97/3, DC96/7A, DC98/11 6022/98 6040/98 C0022 Lot 4806 Darwin - Bagot Community Bagot Rd - DC98/1 6029/98 C0023 Lot 5775 Darwin - East Point Reserve - DC96/7A Ö C0024 Lot 5984 Darwin - East Point Foreshore - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0025 Mangroves North of East Point Reserve - DC96/7A Ö C0026 Lot 5983 Darwin - Colivas Road East Point - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0027 Lot 5976 Darwin - Ludmilla Ck - DC96/6, DC96/7A & DC99/6 Ö 6015/98, 6007/99 C0028 Island at Mouth of Ludmilla Creek - DC96/7A Ö C0029 Lot 3729 Darwin - Fannie Bay Oval - DC96/7A Ö C0030 Lot 5794 Darwin - Ludmilla Treatment Plant - DC96/6,DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0031 Lot 6001 Darwin - Ludmilla Creek Mangroves - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0032 Lot 5646 Darwin - East of Dick Ward Drive - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0033 Lot 5632 Darwin - Adjoining Nemarluk Drive - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0034 Lot 4816 Darwin - West of Richardson Park - DC96/6 & 96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0035 Lot 5791 Darwin - West of Richardson Park - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0036 Lot 3725 Darwin - West of Richardson Park - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0037 Lot 5790 Darwin - West of Richardson Park - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0038 Lot 5789 Darwin - West of Richardson Park - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0039 Lot 3724 Darwin - West of Richardson Park - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0040 Former Lot 6559 Darwin - Bagot Rd/Stuart Hwy DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0041 Lot 5183 Darwin - East Point Road/George Cres - DC96/6 6015/98 C0042 Lot 5184 Darwin - East Point Road/George Cres - DC96/6 6015/98 C0043 Lot 5975 Darwin - Fannie Bay Foreshore - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0044 Vesteys Beach Foreshore - DC96/7A Ö C0045 Lot 5764 Darwin - Vesteys Beach Lake - DC96/7A Ö C0046 Lot 5218 Darwin - Conacher Street - DC96/3, DC96/7A Ö 6012/98 C0047 Coastal Area at Bullocky Point - DC96/7A Ö C0048 Mindil Beach Foreshore - DC96/1 & DC96/7A Ö 6010/98 6018/99 C0049 Lot 5772 Darwin - Mindil Beach Park DCC Freehold - DC96/7A Ö C0050 Lot 5994 Darwin - Burnett Place to Casino - DC96/1, DC96/7A Ö 6010/98 6018/99 C0051 Lot 4818 Darwin - Pawa Substation at Mindil Beach - DC96/1 6010/98 C0052 Lot 5180 Darwin - Flagstaff House Myilly Pt - DC96/1, DC96/7A Ö 6010/98 C0053 Lot 5690 Darwin - Former Gardens Park Hotel Site - DC96/7A Ö C0054 Lot 5686 Darwin - DCC Freehold at Doctors Gully - DC96/7A Ö C0055 Lot 5706 Darwin - Bicentennial Park - DC96/7A Ö C0056 Lameroo Beach Foreshore - DC96/7A Ö C0057 Lot 5225 Darwin - Old Stokes Hill Powerhouse Site - DC96/7A Ö C0058 Lot 5619 Darwin - OL 3243 One Mile Dam Area - DC96/8 6018/98 C0059 Lot 5940 Darwin - One Mile Dam Area - DC96/8 6018/98 C0060 Lot 5802 Darwin - One Mile Dam Area - DC96/8 6018/98 C0061 Lot 5027 Darwin - SPL 454 at One Mile Dam - DC96/7A, DC96/8 Ö 6018/98 C0062 Lot 6663 Darwin - One Mile Dam Area - DC96/8 6018/98 C0063 Lot 5942 Darwin - Near Stuart Park Primary School - DC96/7A Ö C0064 Lot 5468 Darwin - South of Darwin Fire Station - DC96/7A Ö C0065 Lot 6361 Darwin - North of Bayview Haven - DC96/7A Ö C0066 Lot 5974 Darwin - North of Bayview Haven - DC96/7A Ö C0067 Sadgroves Ck Mangroves within Darwin Town - DC96/2, DC96/7A Ö 6011/98 (part) C0068 Lot 7002 Sanderson - DC96/6, DC96/7A & DC00/7 Ö 6015/98 C0069 Lot 7003 Sanderson - East of Leanyer -DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0070 Lot 6994 Sanderson - Pawa Sewerage Pump Stn - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0071 Lot 7016 Sanderson - Leanyer Recreation Lake - DC96/7A Ö C0072 Lot 6974 Sanderson - Near Leanyer Lake - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0074 Lot 6981 Sanderson - Model Flying Club - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0075 Lot 7004 Sanderson - Vanderlin Drive - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0077 Lot 7001 Sanderson - North of Holmes Jungle - DC96/6,DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0078 Lot 1850 Sanderson - Holmes Hungle Nature Park - DC96/7A Ö C0079 Lot 1849 Sanderson - Holmes Jungle Nature Park - DC96/7A Ö C0080 Lot 1851 Sanderson - Holmes Jungle Nature Park - DC96/7A Ö C0081 Section 4224 Hd of Bagot - Buffalo Creek Area - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0082 Section 3388 Hd of Bagot - Leanyer Ponds - DC96/6, DC96/7A Ö 6015/98 C0087 Section 4328 Hd of Bagot - North of Knuckey Lagoon - DC96/7A Ö C0088 Section 118 Hd of Bagot - North of Knucky Lagoons - DC96/7A Ö C0089 Section 109 Hd of Bagot - North of Knuckey Lagoons - DC96/7A Ö C0090 Section 107 Hd of Bagot - North of Knuckey Lagoons - DC96/7A Ö C0091 Section 110 Hd of Bagot - North of Knuckey Lagoons - DC96/7A Ö C0094 Section 4227 Hd of Bagot - NE of Robertson Barracks - DC96/7A Ö C0095 Section 113 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0097 Section 105 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0098 Section 104 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0099 Section 127 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0100 Section 103 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0101 Section 93 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0102 Section 92 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0103 Section 90 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0104 Section 91 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0105 Section 3300 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0106 Section 4257 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0107 Section 62 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0108 Section 63 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0109 Section 4258 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0110 Section 65 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0111 Section 64 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0112 Section 4259 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0113 Section 4228 Hd of Bagot - Holtze Area - DC96/7A Ö C0114 Section 4225 Hd of Bagot - Howard Springs Area - DC96/7A Ö C0116 Portion 1409 Hd of Bagot - Howard Springs Area - DC96/7A Ö C0117 Portion 2820 Hd of Bagot - Howard Springs Area - DC97/6 6026/98 C0120 Section 273 Hd of Bagot - Howard Springs Area - DC96/7A Ö C0121 Portion 2819 Hd of Bagot - Howard Springs - DC96/7A, DC97/6 Ö 6026/98 C0122 Portion 2818 Hd of Bagot - Howard Springs - DC96/7A, DC97/6 Ö 6026/98 C0124 Section 4295 Hd Bagot - Rapid Creek Near Airport - DC96/7A Ö C0125 Section 4294 Hd Bagot - Henry Wrigley Dr Marrara - DC96/7A Ö C0126 Portion 2710 Hd Bagot - Henry Wrigley Dr Marrara - DC96/7A Ö C0127 Portion 2209 Hd Bagot - Marrara Sporting Complex - DC96/7A Ö C0128 Section 4483 Hd Bagot - Marrara Sporting Complex - DC96/7A Ö C0129 Section 3397 Hd Bagot - Marrara Sporting Complex - DC96/7A Ö C0130 Section 4445 Hd Bagot - Batten Rd, NE of Airport - DC96/7A Ö C0131 Section 4262 Hd of Bagot - Amy Johnson Ave - DC96/7A & DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0132 Section 4261 Hd of Bagot - Amy Johnson Ave - DC96/7,DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0133 Section 3226 Hd Bagot - Opposite Coonawarra Base - DC96/9 6019/98 C0134 Section 3225 Hd Bagot - Opposite Coonawarra Base - DC96/9 6019/98 C0135 Section 3465 HD Bagot, Amy Johnson Ave Extension - DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0136 Section 3464 Hd of Bagot - Amy Johnson Ave - DC96/7A, DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0137 Portion 1634 Hd of Bagot - Coonawarra West - DC96/7A, DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0138 Portion 1164 Hd of Bagot - Coonawarra West - DC96/7A, DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0139 Sec 3463 Hd Bagot - Hook Road - DC96/9,DC01/26 6019/98 6026/01 C0140 Portion 1765 Hd of Bagot - Tiger Brennan Dr - DC96/7A,DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0141 Portion 1764 Hd of Bagot - Tiger Brennan Dr - DC96/7A,DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0142 Portion 2346 Hd of Bagot - Charles Darwin Park - DC96/7A Ö C0143 Portion 2347 Hd of Bagot - Charles Darwin Park - DC96/7A Ö C0144 Portion 2348 Hd of Bagot - Charles Darwin Park - DC96/7A Ö C0145 Portion 2349 Hd of Bagot - Charles Darwin Park - DC96/7A Ö C0146 Mangroves from Sandgroves Creek to DC94/5 - DC96/2, DC96/7A Ö 6011/98 (part) C0147 Section 4235 Hd bagot - Charles Darwin Pk - DC96/7A,DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0148 Section 4373 Hd Bagot - Coonawarra - DC96/7A Ö C0149 Section 383 Hd of Bagot - Adj Charles Darwin Park - DC96/7A Ö C0150 Portion 1591 Hd of Bagot - Explosives Reserve Area - DC96/9 6019/98 C0151 Portion 1593 Hd of Bagot - Explosives Reserve Area - DC96/9 6019/98 C0152 Portion 1594 Hd of Bagot - Explosives Reserve Area - DC96/9 6019/98 C0153 Portion 1595 Hd of Bagot - Explosives Reserve Area - DC96/9 6019/98 C0154 Section 388 Hd of Bagot - Hidden Valley - DC96/7A, DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0155 Section 389 Hd of Bagot - Berrimah Road - DC96/7A, DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0156 Section 4356 Hd of Bagot - Hidden Valley Rd - DC96/7A, DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0157 Portion 2178 Hd of Bagot - Beaton Road Berrimah - DC96/9 6019/98 C0158 Section 4195 Hd of Bagot - Pt Berrimah Farm - DC96/7A, DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0159 Section 4248 Hd of Bagot - TDZ Area Berrimah Road - DC96/7A Ö C0160 Section 4245 Hd of Bagot, TDZ Area - DC94/5,DC96/7A & DC98/14 Ö C0161 Section 4249 Hd Bagot - TDZ Area Berrimah Road - DC96/7A, DC98/14 Ö C0162 Section 4337 Hd Bagot, TDZ Area Berrimah Road, DC96/7A, DC98/14 Ö C0163 Section 4246 Hd of Bagot - TDZ Area Berrimah Road - DC96/7A Ö C0164 Section 4244 Hd of Bagot - TDZ Area Berrimah Road - DC96/7A Ö C0165 Section 4241 Hd of Bagot - Berrimah Rd/Wishart Rd - DC96/9 6019/98 C0166 Section 4240 Hd of Bagot - Berrimah Road - DC96/9 6019/98 C0167 Section 4242 Hd of Bagot - Wishart Road - DC96/7A, DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0168 Section 4243 Hd of Bagot - Wishart Road - DC96/7A, DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0169 Portion 1142 Hd of Bagot - Wishart Road - East Arm - DC96/7A Ö C0170 Mangroves & Waters - Hudson Creek - Hd Bagot -DC96/5, DC96/7A Ö 6014/98 C0171 Section 397 Hd of Bagot - South of Wishart Road - DC96/7A Ö C0172 Section 67 Hd of Bagot - McFaroland Road Berrimah - DC96/7A Ö C0173 Section 70 Hd of Bagot - McFarland Road Berrimah - DC96/7A Ö C0174 Section 71 Hd of Bagot - McFarland Road Berrimah - DC96/7A Ö C0175 Section 4260 Hd of Bagot - Stuart Hwy Palmerston - DC96/7A Ö C0178 Mangroves - Elizabeth River - Palmerston - DC96/5, DC96/7A Ö 6014/98 C0179 Lot 4242 Palmerston - Near Headwaters of Hudson Ck - DC96/7A Ö C0180 Lot 4153 Palmerston - Marlow Lagoon Recreation Area -DC96/7A Ö C0181 Lot 4255 Palmerston - Archer - Part Now Railway - DC96/7A Ö C0182 Lot 4256 Palmerston - Archer - Part Now Railway - DC96/7A Ö C0183 Lot 2721 Palmerston - Archer - Part Now Railway - DC96/7A Ö C0184 Lot 4257 Palmerston - Archer - Part Now Railway - DC96/7A Ö C0185 Lot 4258 Palmerston - Archer - Part Now Railway - DC96/7A Ö C0186 Part Lot 4302 Palmerston - Council Rubbish Dump - DC96/7A Ö C0187 Lot 4259 Palmerston - Archer - Part Now Railway - DC96/7A Ö C0188 Lot 4253 Palmerston - Mitchell Creek Area - DC96/7A Ö C0189 Lot 4254 Palmerston - Mitchell Creek Area - DC96/7A Ö C0190 Lot 4252 Palmerston - South East of Bellamack - DC96/7A Ö C0191 Lot 4251 Palmerston - East of Rosebery - DC96/7A Ö C0192 Lot 4250 Palmerston - East of Bakewell - DC96/7A Ö C0193 Lot 4640 Palmerston - Gunn (The Chase) - DC96/7A Ö C0194 Lot 2886 Palmerston - Rosebery - DC94/1 AND DC99/1 6007/98(part) 6001/99(part) C0195 Lot 2887 Palmerston - Rosebery - DC94/1 6007/98(part) 6001/99(part) C0196 Lot 2888 Palmerston - Rosebery - DC94/1 6007/98 C0197 Lot 2889 Palmerston - Rosebery - DC94/1 6007/98 C0198 Lot 2890 Palmerston - Rosebery - DC94/1 6007/98 C0199 Lot 4533 Palmerston - Bellamack - DC94/1 6007/98 C0200 Elizabeth River Mangroves - HD Strangways - DC96/5, DC96/7A Ö 6014/98 C0201 Lot 305 Virginia - Elizabeth River Frontage - DC96/5, DC96/7A uncertain 6014/98 C0202 Lot 306 Virginia - Elizabeth River Frontage - DC96/5, DC96/7A uncertain 6014/98 C0203 Lot 307 Virginia - Elizabeth River Frontage - DC96/5, DC96/7A uncertain 6014/98 C0204 Lot 308 Virginia - Elizabeth River Frontage - DC96/5, DC96/7A uncertain 6014/98 C0205 Lot 310 Virginia - Elizabeth River Frontage - DC96/5, DC96/7 uncertain 6014/98 C0206 Lot 311 Virginia - Elizabeth River Frontage - DC96/5, DC96/7A uncertain 6014/98 C0207 Lot 312 Virginia - Elizabeth River Frontage -DC96/5, DC96/7A uncertain 6014/98 C0208 Lot 313 Virginia - Elizabeth River Frontage - DC96/5, DC96/7A uncertain 6014/98 C0209 Sections 1812,1813 Hd of Ayers - DC96/4, DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0210 NT Portion 2367 - Pearling Lease, East Arm - DC96/7A Ö C0211 NT Portion 3999 - Pearling Lease, East Arm - DC96/7A Ö C0212 Mangroves - East Arm/Elizabeth River - DC96/4, DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0213 Section 1814 Hd of Ayers - DC96/4, DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0214 Section 1817 Hd of Ayers - DC96/4, DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0215 Section 1816 Hd of Ayers - DC96/4, DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0216 Section 1818 Hd of Ayers - DC96/4, DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0217 Section 1659 Hd of Ayers - DC96/4, DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0218 Section 1660 Hd of Ayers - DC96/4, DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0219 Section 1819 Hd of Ayers - DC96/4, DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0278 Middle Arm Mangrove Habitat - DC96/4 & DC96/7A Ö 6013/98 C0308 Central & Southern Waters of Elizabeth River - DC96/7A Ö C0309 Waters Surrounding Wickham Pt Acquisition Area Waters Surrounding Wickham Pt Acquisition Area - DC96/7A Ö C0312 VCL & Waters, West & South West of Sadgroves Ck - DC96/7A Ö C0314 Lot 8630, Nightcliff - Coconut Grove - Kulaluk - DC98/11 6040/98 C0315 NT Portion 2627 - Channel Island - DC96/7A Ö C0316 Section 1791 Hd of Ayers - DC96/7A Ö C0317 Part Lot 5695 Town of Darwin - DC96/7A, DC99/1 Ö 6001/99 C0318 Lot 6665 Darwin - Frances Bay - DC99/1 6001/99 C0319 Part of Lot 6 Palmerston & Owston Ave - DC99/1 6001/99 C0320 Section 4568 Hundred of Bagot - Boulter Road - DC96/9 Ö 6019/98 C0322 Lots 5848, 5849 Palmerston - Bakewell - DC96/7A Ö C0323 Part Lot 9 Palmerston - Bakewell - DC96/7A Ö

[28]

Description of Claim Area 15 The claim area in the consolidated proceedings covers parts of metropolitan Darwin and its surrounds on the Darwin Peninsula. Darwin is the capital city of the Northern Territory, with a population of about 100,000 people. It is a beautiful and vibrant city with a diverse population. The Darwin region is on the coast, and consequently enjoys both beaches, around which development is mainly centred, and mangrove swamp areas, which according to archaeological evidence have developed over the last 500-1000 years. 16 Port Darwin is a protected harbour accessed from the north. It is surrounded on the east by the Darwin Peninsula and on the west by the Cox Peninsula. The claim area is that on the eastern side of Port Darwin extending eastwards and southwards. The East Arm of the harbour joins up with the Elizabeth River which enters Port Darwin from the east. The East Arm and the Middle Arm of the harbour are straddled by a wedge of land bounded by the East Arm and the Elizabeth River on its northern side and by the Middle Arm and then (to the east) Haycock Reach and Blackmore River (to the south east). The western extremity of that wedge of land into Port Darwin is called Middle Point. To the south of Middle Point in the entrance to the Middle Arm is Channel Island. 17 The claim area comprises many sections of land and waters, including mangrove swamps, within that general area. It is overall an area of about 30 kilometres square. The claim area does not encompass all that area, but generally those parts of the land where there has not been residential or commercial development. The claim area encompasses mostly areas of Crown land as well as some land held by the Darwin City Council (DCC), and some land held by the Palmerston City Council, and includes waters adjoining areas of the land and mangrove swamps over which a claim has been made. 18 The central business district of Darwin is situated with Lameroo Beach on its south-west side, facing towards the Cox Peninsula. The coastal suburbs of Darwin feature prominently in the claim area in this proceeding. Cullen Bay, an inner-city suburb, is north of the CBD, as are Myilly Point, Mindil Beach, Vesteys Beach and Fannie Bay. Further north, still on the coast, are the suburbs of Coconut Grove, Ludmilla, Casuarina Beach and Lee Point. 19 Stuart Park, another inner-city suburb, is situated to the north-east of the city, next to Dinah Beach, extending out into Frances Bay (before the East Arm begins). A large area of mangroves runs from the edge of Stuart Park around the harbour and along the Elizabeth River, bordered by suburbs such as Winnellie, Coonawarra and Berrimah. 20 To the north-east of Darwin lies the suburb of Leanyer. Leanyer, along with Holmes Jungle Nature Park and areas to its south-east, at the base of the Shoal Bay Peninsula and Howard Peninsula, including Howard Springs Nature Reserve, is within the broader claim area, so that parts of that area are within the claim area. 21 Palmerston, a town to the south of Darwin, also has areas to its south, south east and south west which are the subject of the claim. 22 It is helpful to note at this point that Justice Gray as the Aboriginal Land Rights Commissioner under the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (Cth) (the ALR Act) provided a Report and recommendations concerning a claim under the ALR Act entitled The Kenbi (Cox Peninsula) Land Claim No 37 on 12 December 2000 (the Kenbi Report). I shall call the claim the subject of the Kenbi Report 'the Kenbi Claim'. It concerned a claim under the ALR Act in respect of much of the Cox Peninsula, that area of land on the western side of Port Darwin, and extending at its southern section to the east to the western side of the Middle Arm of Port Darwin, as well as significant areas including islands west and south of the Cox Peninsula. The stretch of water in Port Darwin known as the West Arm extending into part of the Cox Peninsula was surrounded by land encompassed within the Kenbi Claim. 23 This is only a brief overview. It is clear that any examination of the area the subject of the native title determination applications in the consolidated proceeding will be complex and intricate. 24 Despite the fact that the claim area is a large area, extending over some residential areas and areas adjacent to residential areas, parks, swamps and beaches, the parties in their submissions said that all evidence in respect of the claim, although sometimes site specific, was relevant to the whole claim area. They did not contend that findings should be made with respect to a particular claim area. It was presented to the Court as an all or nothing scenario. 25 Because of this, it is not necessary at this point to consider whether claimed native title rights are applicable to particular sites. It will be necessary to be more 'site specific' when addressing issues of extinguishment.

[29]

The Determination Sought 26 Ultimately, the form of determination sought by the first applicants was in the following terms: Existence of native title (s.225)

The Determination Area is the land and waters described in Schedule 1. 2. Native title exists in those parts of the Determination Area identified in Schedules 4 to 8 (Native Title Area). 3. Native Title does not exist in those parts of the Determination Area identified in Schedule 3. The Native Title Holders (s.225(a)) 4. The native title is held by the Larrakia People. The nature and extent of native title rights and interests (s.225(b)) and exclusiveness of native title (s.225(e)) 5. The native title rights and interests that exist in relation to each part of the Native Title Area referred to in Schedule 4 (being areas where there has been no extinguishment of native title or areas where any extinguishment must be disregarded) are a right of possession, occupation use and enjoyment to the exclusion of all others. 6. The native title rights and interests that exist in relation to each part of the Native Title Area referred to in Schedule 5 (being current and historical [e.g. reserve, annual pastoral lease and pastoral lease areas where there is no public access] other than areas where any extinguishment must be disregarded) are: (a) right to enter or have access; (b) right to remain; (c) right to use and enjoy; (d) right to live on; (e) right to use and enjoy, or take, resources; (f) right to share, exchange or trade resources; (g) right to protect places of importance; (h) right to control access to and use of the area by Aboriginal people who recognise themselves to be governed by Aboriginal traditional laws and customs and by any other person not having a right of access or use comprised in or pursuant to another interest or law; (i) right to receive a portion of resources taken by Aboriginal people who recognise themselves to be governed by Aboriginal traditional laws and customs and by any other person not having a right to take resources comprised in or pursuant to another interest; (j) rights of such Aboriginal persons who, in accordance with the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the Larrakia people, are recognised as being closely related to a member of the Larrakia people, including a spouse of a Larrakia person: of access to, and to hunt fish and gather the natural resources on, the land and waters of Larrakia country subject to the permission, implied or express, of Larrakia people; and (k) rights of senior Aboriginal persons who, in accordance with the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the Larrakia people, are recognised as being authoritative in ritual or Larrakia knowledge: to act, in accordance with traditional laws and customs, in relation to the maintenance and protection of sites and rights of access to, and to hunt fish and gather the natural resources on Larrakia country subject to the permission, implied or express, of Larrakia people. 7. The native title rights and interests that exist in relation to each part of the Native Title Area referred to in Schedule 6 (being current and historical [where partial extinguishment acts involving greater loss of control of access have occurred - e.g. reserves where there is public access] other than areas where any extinguishment must be disregarded) are: (a) right to enter or have access; (b) right to remain; (c) right to use and enjoy; (d) right to live on; (e) right to use and enjoy, or take, resources; (f) right to share, exchange or trade resources; (g) right to protect places of importance; (h) control access to and use of the area by Aboriginal people who recognise themselves to be governed by Aboriginal traditional laws and customs; (i) receive a portion of resources taken by Aboriginal people who recognise themselves to be governed by Aboriginal traditional laws and customs; (j) rights of such Aboriginal persons who, in accordance with the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the Larrakia people, are recognised as being closely related to a member of the Larrakia people, including a spouse of a Larrakia person: of access to, and to hunt fish and gather the natural resources on, the land and waters of Larrakia country subject to the permission, implied or express, of Larrakia people; and (k) rights of senior Aboriginal persons who, in accordance with the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the Larrakia people, are recognised as being authoritative in ritual or Larrakia knowledge: to act, in accordance with traditional laws and customs, in relation to the maintenance and protection of sites and rights of access to, and to hunt fish and gather the natural resources on Larrakia country subject to the permission, implied or express, of Larrakia people. 8. The native title rights and interests that exist in relation to each part of the Native Title Area referred to in Schedule 7 (being areas below high water mark) are: (a) enter or have access; (b) remain; (c) use and enjoy; (d) use and enjoy, or take, resources; (e) share, exchange or trade resources; (f) protect places of importance; (g) control access to and use of the area by Aboriginal people who recognise themselves to be governed by Aboriginal traditional laws and customs; (h) receive a portion of resources taken by Aboriginal people who recognise themselves to be governed by Aboriginal traditional laws and customs; (i) rights of such Aboriginal persons who, in accordance with the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the Larrakia people are recognised as being closely related to a member of the Larrakia people, including a spouse of a Larrakia person: of access to, and to hunt fish and gather the natural resources on, the land and waters of Larrakia country subject to the permission, implied or express, of Larrakia people; and (j) rights of senior Aboriginal persons who, in accordance with the traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the Larrakia people, are recognised as being authoritative in ritual or Larrakia knowledge: to act, in accordance with traditional laws and customs, in relation to the maintenance and protection of sites and rights of access to, and to hunt fish and gather the natural resources on Larrakia country subject to the permission, implied or express, of Larrakia people. 9. The rights referred to in Orders 6 - 8 do not confer possession, occupation, use and enjoyment of that land and waters on the native title holders to the exclusion of all others. 10. The native title rights and interests are subject to and exercisable in accordance with the laws of the Northern Territory and the Commonwealth. 11. Notwithstanding anything in the determination, there are no native title rights and interests in or in relation to: (a) such minerals as defined in the Mining Act (NT), as in force at the date of the determination, as are wholly owned by the Crown; or (b) such petroleum as defined in the Petroleum Act (NT), as in force at the date of the determination, as is wholly owned by the Crown. 12. There are no exclusive native title rights in or to flowing or subterranean water in the Native Title Area. The nature and extent of any other interests in relation to the Determination Area (s.225(c)) 13. The nature and extent of other interests in relation to the Native Title Area are the following as they exist at the date of the Determination: (a) the public right to fish in tidal waters; (b) the public right to navigate in tidal waters; (c) so far as confirmed pursuant to section 13 of the Validation (Native Title) Act 1994 as at 18 June 1999, public access to and enjoyment of the following places: (i) waterways; (ii) beds and banks or foreshores of waterways; (iii) coastal waters; (iv) beaches (v) areas that were public places at the end of 31 December 1993; (d) the interests of [identified] persons to whom [identified] valid and validated rights and interests have been granted by the Crown pursuant to statute or otherwise in the exercise of its executive power; (e) the right to access land by an employee or agent or instrumentality of the State, Commonwealth or any local government or other statutory authority as required in the performance of his or her statutory or common law duties where such access would be permitted to private land; (f) the interests of Telstra Corporation Limited, being: (i) rights and interests as the owner or operator of telecommunications facilities within the Native Title Area, including customer radio terminals and overhead and underground cabling; (ii) rights and interests pursuant to the Post and Telegraph Act 1901 (Cth), the Telecommunications Act 1975 (Cth), the Australian Telecommunications Corporation Act 1991 (Cth) and the Telecommunications Act 1997 (Cth); and (iii) rights of access by employees, agents or contractors of Telstra Corporation Limited to its facilities in or surrounded by the Native Title Area in the performance of their duties; and (g) the interests of the Crown in any capacity, or of any statutory authority in relation to things referred to in Schedule 8 [public works and other facilities on Native Title Areas where any extinguishment is to be disregarded] which were constructed or commenced to be constructed or used on identified areas; (h) the interests of the Crown in any capacity, or of any statutory authority in relation to things referred to in Schedule 9 [public works and other facilities on Native Title Areas where any extinguishment is not to be disregarded] which were constructed or commenced to be constructed or used on identified areas. Relationship between the Native Title Rights and Interests and the Other Interests (s.225(d)) 14. The relationship between the native title rights and interests in the Native Title Area and the other rights and interests described in paragraph 13 (other interests) is that: (a) in relation to the other interests referred to in paragraph 13 (insert sub-paragraphs identifying other interests to which section 23G and 44H of the Native Title Act apply, for example sub-paragraph (d), (e), (f) and (h)) - the other interests, and the doing of any activity required or permitted to be done by or under the other interests, prevail over the native title rights and interests and any exercise of the native title rights and interests, but do not extinguish them, and the existence and exercise of the native title rights and interests does not prevent the doing of the activity; (b) in relation to the other interests referred to in paragraph 13 (insert sub-paragraphs identifying other interests to which the non-extinguishment principal applies, for example sub-paragraphs (d), (g)) - to the extent that the other interests are inconsistent with the continued existence, enjoyment or exercise of the native title rights and interests, the native title continues to exist in its entirety, but the native title rights and interests have no effect in relation to the other interests to the extent of the inconsistency during the currency of those other interests. If those other interests are later removed or otherwise cease to operate, either wholly or partly, the native title rights and interests will again have full effect, wholly or partly as the case may be; (c) in relation to the other interests referred to in paragraphs 13(a), (b) and (c) - those rights co-exist with the native title rights and interests; and (d) in relation to the other interests referred to in paragraph 13(g) - the determination does not affect those interests. AND THE COURT FURTHER ORDERS THAT How the Native Title is Held
The native title is not to be held in trust. The Native Title Body Corporate 16. Within three months of the date hereof, or such later period as may be allowed by the Court, the common law holders of native title may file a minute of a proposed determination under s56 and s57 of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) and, if no such minute is filed within that time, it is determined that native title is held by the common law holders of native title. 17. Until such time as there is a registered native title body corporate in relation to the Native Title Area any notices required under the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) or otherwise to be served on the Native Title Holders, the native title claim group or the registered native title claimant may be served upon the solicitors for the Applicants and the representative Aboriginal body for the Determination Area, and such service shall be deemed to be sufficient. 27 I have not reproduced the schedules referred to. If I were to be satisfied that a determination of the existence of native title rights and interests should be made, either in the form sought or in some other form, the schedules would require separate consideration in the light of my findings about extinguishment. 28 The second applicants, of course, disagree with par 4 of that proposed determination. They seek a determination in favour of the Danggalaba people. 29 It can be seen that the proposed determination includes a claim to exclusive possession of parts of the claim area. At the other end of the spectrum, the Territory throughout maintained that the applicants had not established the existence of any native title rights and interests in the claim area under the NT Act. The respondents alternatively contended that if any native title rights and interests were established, they were in no instance exclusive and they were not as extensive as those sought in the proposed determination. They further contended that any such native title rights and interests as might otherwise have been established had, in essence, been extinguished by a combination of past legislative and executive actions. 30 The respective positions of the parties could hardly have been more diametrically opposed, save for the realistic acknowledgments the applicants made in respect of the extinguishing effect of a number of those past legislative and executive actions.

[30]

The Hearing 31 The hearing commenced on 2 September 2002 in Darwin. Thereafter, 68 days of evidence and submissions were heard in several tranches. The evidence of Aboriginal witnesses was given at the Supreme Court in Darwin and at other places in the claim area. The Court received evidence from Aboriginal witnesses generally in the form of a written statement supplemented by oral evidence. 32 Evidence was taken at a number of sites in the claim area over eight days of evidence. Part of the on-country evidence was on board a boat in Port Darwin, in the East Arm and Elizabeth River areas. Evidence was also given on land within the claim area, at various places including the Esplanade area and Lameroo Beach (both on the south western side of the CBD); the Larrakeyah Barracks a little to the north of those points west; and Mindil Beach; East Point at the northern end of Fannie Bay; Kulaluk to the north of East Point; Rapid Creek; Casuarina Beach; Lee Point and Holmes Jungle (south-east of Lee Point). On site evidence was also taken at the base of Howards Peninsula at Howard Swamp and Howard Springs near the eastern extremity of the claim area. In the area to the east of the Darwin CBD and near the northern side of Port Darwin, further evidence was given at One Mile Dam (near Dinah Beach in Frances Bay), the Police Paddock, and east in Charles Darwin National Park. Finally (for the purpose of this description, but not in the sequence of the evidence), on-site evidence was heard at Wickham Point and at the Channel Island Conservation Park, in the mouth of the Middle Arm of Port Darwin. The sites where such evidence was taken therefore reflect a geographical spread around the claim area. 33 Oral evidence was given by some 47 Aboriginal persons about their personal history and experiences, what they had learned and knew of the claim area or parts of it, their upbringing, and their activities and dealings with and in the claim area, as well as their beliefs with respect to it. That evidence was given in the courtroom, as well as 'on-country'. Two statements were tendered of witnesses who were not presented for oral evidence. Those two witnesses were Mr Quall and his sister Dianne (Didi) Quall. 34 Mr Quall also participated in the hearing by giving evidence, tendering certain documents and by cross-examining witnesses and presenting final submissions. He sought to establish through his cross-examination that the Danggalaba Clan or the Kulumbiringin clan was the holder of native title rights and interests over such parts of the claim area as were the subject of claims by the Quall applications, rather than the larger Larrakia claim group. As noted earlier, those clan groups were comprised of eight named persons or the family groups of four named elders. His final written submissions confined the clan group to members of the Batcho family. Certain of the named elders gave evidence in the course of the first applicants' case. It is clear that the first applicants regard the second applicants (however comprised) as members of the Larrakia group, and certain of them clearly regarded Mr Quall as a person of seniority and significant learning. 35 Until the discontinuance of the Roman application, the Roman applicants were represented by leave by Jack Crosby and then by Steven McLean. They tendered certain documents. It was apparent from their cross-examination that they, too, regarded a more confined group than the Larrakia applicants as the persons entitled to hold native title rights and interests in the claim area generally, although their questioning was mainly directed to that part of the claim area covered by the Roman application. 36 Apart from that on-site evidence, the bulk of the evidence comprises expert reports, public records and witness statements tendered without formal proof. The first applicants' expert reports included an archaeological report prepared by Dr Peter Hiscock (Dr Hiscock), a genealogical report prepared by Dr Michael Walsh (Dr Walsh), a linguistic report prepared by Dr Black, an historical report prepared by Dr Samantha Wells (Dr Wells), an ethno-archaeological report by Dr Patricia Bourke (Dr Bourke), and two anthropological reports by Mr Robert Graham (Mr Graham). All of these witnesses were cross-examined, with the exception of Dr Hiscock. Both Dr Walsh and Mr Graham had given evidence in the hearing of the Kenbi Claim, and they were questioned about that evidence and about documents they had produced for the purposes of that claim. 37 The material tendered on behalf of one or other of the applicants included the Kenbi Report, extensive sections of the transcript of the hearing before Justice Gray for the Kenbi Claim, the Kenbi Land Claim 1979 Book, sections of the book Saltwater People: Larrakia Stories from Around Darwin (Larrakia Nation Aboriginal Corporation, Casuarina, NT, 2001) and Larrakia Genealogies (used in the Kenbi Claim). There was also extensive other documentary and photographic material. 38 The Territory tendered an historical report prepared by Ms Helen Wilson (Ms Wilson) and an anthropology report by the late Professor Kenneth Maddock (Professor Maddock). Unfortunately, Professor Maddock died before the hearing of expert evidence. The applicants later tendered an anthropology report of Professor Howard Morphy (Professor Morphy). On 24 October 2003, I ruled that Professor Morphy's report be received, but limited to its use pursuant to s 136 of the Evidence Act 1995 (Cth) (the Evidence Act) as being material which is available to the first applicants from a qualified anthropologist and which may have been used to cross-examine Professor Maddock were he available for cross-examination. There was extensive documentary material filed in support of the report of Ms Wilson, as well as other material adduced by the respondents relevant to the asserted existence of native title in the claim area. 39 The Territory and the fifth respondent, the DCC also filed extensive documentary material relating to issues of extinguishment of native title. That material included extensive tenure documentation, and records of public works carried out over many decades. That material was expanded upon and explained by 26 witnesses called on behalf of the Territory or the DCC, many of whom were cross-examined. 40 The Amateur Fishermen's Association of Northern Territory (AFANT) also participated in the hearing by cross examining witnesses and by making submissions. 41 There were a number of non-active respondents: the Palmerston City Council, ANZ Banking Corporation Ltd, Defence Housing Authority, Delfin Chase Pty Ltd, Diamond Leisure Pty Ltd, Fernbank Pty Ltd, NT Gas Distribution Pty Ltd, NT Gas Pty Ltd, Guiseppe Maugeri, CSR Limited, CSR Readymix (Australia) Pty Ltd, Conservation Land Corporation, Telstra Corporation Ltd, Northern Territory Christian Schools Association, and Darwin Model Flying Club. Of those non-active respondents, written closing submissions were submitted jointly by Defence Housing Authority, Delfin Chase Pty Ltd and ANZ Banking Group Ltd; jointly by NT Gas Pty Ltd and NT Gas Distribution Pty Ltd; by Mr Maugeri (through Motoo Sakurai); and by Telstra Corporation Ltd. 42 During the course of the hearing, I made certain orders restricting the publication of the transcript of gender restricted evidence. The 'men only' evidence was to be transcribed by a man and access to the transcript was to be by men only. The transcript was duly marked and kept separate from the general transcript. Such evidence was given at the Larrakeyah Barracks and on three separate occasions in Court. 43 It is important to remark upon the conduct of the hearing by all parties and their legal representatives. They are all to be commended. As is clear from the above, the evidence was very extensive, particularly the documentary evidence. All parties and their legal representatives at all times sought to maintain a clear focus on the issues to be decided in the case. They appropriately co-operated in the timetabling of witnesses, and in ensuring that the Court could readily follow the proposed course of the evidence and the relevance of evidence to particular issues. The final written submissions of all parties were comprehensive and focused. Without those very helpful submissions, my task would have been much more difficult. I am very appreciative of that assistance. All parties should also be appreciative of the thorough and careful work done on their behalf by their legal representatives to ensure their respective cases were fully and properly presented, and the contentions in support of them effectively put.

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48 All the elements of the definition of native title in s 223(1) must be given effect: Yorta Yorta at [33]. In Ward at [17]-[18], Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ said in relation to s 223(1): 'Several points should be made here. First, the rights and interests may be communal, group or individual rights and interests. Secondly, the rights and interests consist "in relation to land or waters". Thirdly, the rights and interests must have three characteristics: they are rights and interests which are "possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs observed", by the relevant peoples; by those traditional laws and customs, the peoples "have a connection with" the land or waters in question; and the rights and interests must be "recognised by the common law of Australia". 49 The High Court reiterated those matters in Yarmirr at [9] per Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ and also in Yorta Yorta at [33]-[35] per Gleeson CJ, Gummow and Hayne JJ. 50 In Ward, the same members of the High Court addressed the issues for consideration in a determination of native title. In relation to s 223(1)(a), their Honours said (at [18]): 'The question in a given case whether (a) is satisfied presents a question of fact. It requires not only the identification of the laws and customs said to be traditional laws and customs, but, no less importantly, the identification of the rights and interests in relation to land or waters which are possessed under those laws or customs. These inquiries may well depend upon the same evidence as is used to establish connection of the relevant peoples with the land or waters. This is because the connection that is required by par (b) of s 223(1) is a connection with the land or waters "by those laws or customs". Nevertheless, it is important to notice that there are two inquiries required by the statutory definition: in the one case for the rights and interests possessed under traditional laws and customs and, in the other, for connection with land or waters by those laws and customs.' 51 In relation to s 223(1)(b), they said (at [64]): 'In its terms, s 223(1)(b) is not directed to how Aboriginal peoples use or occupy land or waters. Section 223(1)(b) requires consideration of whether, by the traditional laws acknowledged and the traditional customs observed by the peoples concerned, they have a "connection" with the land or waters. That is, it requires first an identification of the content of traditional laws and customs and, secondly, the characterisation of the effect of those laws and customs as constituting a "connection" of the peoples with the land or waters in question. No doubt there may be cases where the way in which land or waters are used will reveal something about the kind of connection that exists under traditional law or custom between Aboriginal peoples and the land or waters concerned. But the absence of evidence of some recent use of the land or waters does not, of itself, require the conclusion that there can be no relevant connection. Whether there is a relevant connection depends, in the first instance, upon the content of traditional law and custom and, in the second, upon what is meant by "connection" by those laws and customs. This latter question was not the subject of submissions in the present matters, the relevant contention being advanced in the absolute terms we have identified and without examination of the particular aspects of the relationship found below to have been sufficient. We, therefore, need express no view, in these matters, on what is the nature of the "connection" that must be shown to exist. In particular, we need express no view on when a "spiritual connection" with the land (an expression often used in the Western Australian submissions and apparently intended as meaning any form of asserted connection without evidence of continuing use or physical presence) will suffice.' 52 In Yorta Yorta, the High Court (Gleeson CJ, Gummow and Hayne JJ; Gaudron and Kirby JJ dissenting) further addressed the requirements of s 223(1) and expanded on the need for connection. 53 The majority set out the following principles at [37]: 'First, it follows from Mabo [No 2]that the Crown's acquisition of sovereignty over the several parts of Australia cannot be challenged in an Australian municipal court. Secondly, upon acquisition of sovereignty over a particular part of Australia, the Crown acquired a radical title to the land in that part, but native title to that land survived the Crown's acquisition of sovereignty and radical title. What survived were rights and interests in relation to land or waters. Those rights and interests owed their origin to a normative system other than the legal system of the new sovereign power; they owed their origin to the traditional laws acknowledged and the traditional customs observed by the indigenous peoples concerned.' 54 At [38]-[40] and at [43]-[45], the majority stated that the rights and interests the subject of the NT Act are those which derive from traditional laws and customs forming a body of norms that existed before sovereignty. This principle affects the construction of the definition of native title in s 223(1), in particular, the meaning of 'traditional'. See Yorta Yorta at [46]-[47], where the majority said: ' …the references, in pars (a) and (b) of the definition of native title, to "traditional" law or custom must be understood in the light of the considerations that have been mentioned. As the claimants submitted, "traditional" is a word apt to refer to a means of transmission of law or custom. A traditional law or custom is one which has been passed from generation to generation of a society, usually by word of mouth and common practice. But in the context of the Native Title Act, "traditional" carries with it two other elements in its meaning. First, it conveys an understanding of the age of the traditions: the origins of the content of the law or custom concerned are to be found in the normative rules of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander societies that existed before the assertion of sovereignty by the British Crown. It is only those normative rules that are "traditional" laws and customs. Secondly, and no less importantly, the reference to rights or interests in land or waters being possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the peoples concerned, requires that the normative system under which the rights and interests are possessed (the traditional laws and customs) is a system that has had a continuous existence and vitality since sovereignty. If that normative system has not existed throughout that period, the rights and interests which owe their existence to that system will have ceased to exist. And any later attempt to revive adherence to the tenets of that former system cannot and will not reconstitute the traditional laws and customs out of which rights and interests must spring if they are to fall within the definition of native title.' 55 The majority judgment in Yorta Yorta imposes a requirement of continuity on both the Aboriginal society and also on the acknowledgment and observance of the traditional laws and customs which are claimed to give rise to the rights and interests under the NT Act: at [49]-[53]. 56 Laws and customs do not exist in a vacuum - they 'arise out of and, in important respects, go to define a particular society': Yorta Yorta at [49], [55]. In this context, 'society' is to be 'understood as a body of persons united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of laws and customs': at [49]. If the society ceases to exist, then so too do its traditional laws and customs, from which rights and interests arise: at [50]. Once a society has ceased to exist, it is not possible for descendants of that society to take up again the 'traditional' laws and customs as those expressions are used in the NT Act: [51]-[52]. As the majority said in Yorta Yorta at [53]: 'When the society whose laws or customs existed at sovereignty ceases to exist, the rights and interests in land to which these laws and customs gave rise, cease to exist. If the content of the former laws and customs is later adopted by some new society, those laws and customs will then owe their new life to that other, later, society and they are the laws acknowledged by, and customs observed by, that later society, they are not laws and customs which can now properly now be described as being the existing laws and customs of the earlier society. The rights and interests in land to which the re-adopted laws and customs give rise are rights and interests which are not rooted in pre-sovereignty traditional law and custom but in the laws and customs of the new society.' See also Yorta Yorta at [55]. 57 The requirement for continuity of connection is not absolute. In Yorta Yorta, the majority recognised at [83] that '…demonstrating some change to, or adaptation of, traditional law or custom or some interruption of enjoyment or exercise of native title rights or interests in the period between the Crown asserting sovereignty and the present will not necessarily be fatal to a native title claim. … The key question is whether the law and custom can still be seen to be traditional law and traditional custom. Is the change or adaptation of such a kind that it can no longer be said that the rights or interests asserted are possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged and the traditional customs observed by the relevant peoples when that expression is understood in the sense earlier identified?'. See also Yorta Yorta at [44] and [82]-[89]. 58 The acknowledgement and observance of the traditional laws and customs must have continued 'substantially uninterrupted' since sovereignty: Yorta Yorta at [87]. 59 The issues on the hearing have been hard fought. Apart from facilitating the course of the evidence, the Territory and the other respondents have made no admissions. They dispute each element of the matters the applicants or one or other of the first applicants or the second applicants must establish to demonstrate to the satisfaction of the Court that, but for the extinguishing effect of any particular dealings with any parts of the claim area, they have or would have native title rights or interests in any part of the claim area. 60 Senior counsel for the DCC identified five steps in the respondents' opposition: (1) that no native title rights and interests have been shown to exist in the claim area; or (2) if such rights do exist, they are limited and non-exclusive rights only; and (3) the extent to which, if at all, s 47A and s 47B of the NT Act can apply in respect of any parts of the claim area; (4) in respect of those parts of the claim area to which s 47A or s 47B apply, what extinguishment of native title rights and interests should be disregarded by reason of their operation; and (5) in respect of those parts of the claim area where s 47A or s 47B of the NT Act do not apply, or if they do where extinguishment is not to be disregarded, the detailed consideration of the nature and effect of the myriad extinguishing acts relied upon by the respondents. 61 A further issue which emerged clearly only in the course of final submissions is whether the various applications comprising the consolidated proceeding were each properly authorised to be brought in the name of the several specified applicants in accordance with s 251B of the NT Act. Section 61 requires a native title determination application to have been authorised by the native title claim group. 62 Before turning to s 61 of the NT Act, I note that there has been some change in the way in which the first applicants have expressed the nature of their claimed native title rights and interests from time to time. The Territory in particular has complained of that, and submit that the first applicants should not be permitted to depart from their Points of Claim filed on 27 August 2002 without leave. I do not discern that the change in the expressed claims has caused the respondents any unfairness. The progress of the evidence revealed that the Points of Claim were not fully reflective of certain of the present traditional laws and customs of the first applicants (as some witnesses expressed them). There is nothing to indicate that any of the respondents would have questioned a witness differently, or would have adduced any different or further evidence, if the Points of Claim had accorded entirely with the final submissions of the first applicants, or would have sought more time to investigate any of the claims or to take instructions before questioning any particular witness or witnesses. If it were necessary to do so, I would in the circumstances give the first applicants leave to amend their Points of Claim. For reasons which appear below, I do not need to address that aspect further.

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Authorisation under s 61 of the NATIVE TITLE Act 63 Pursuant to s 81 of the NT Act, the Court has jurisdiction to hear and determine applications filed in the Court that relate to native title. Section 61 of the NT Act provides for the applications that may be made to the Federal Court, and the persons who may make such applications. 64 Prior to the introduction of the Native Title Amendment Act 1998 (Cth) (the amending Act), s 61 provided that an application for determination of native title could be made by a 'person or persons claiming to hold the native title either alone or with others': s 61(1). The application was required to be in the prescribed form and 'contain such information in relation to the matters sought to be determined as is prescribed.' An application made by a person or persons claiming to hold native title with others was required to describe or otherwise identify those others. However, it was not necessary to name the 'others' or say how many there were: s 61(3). 65 The amending Act repealed s 61 and replaced it. The 'new' s 61 commenced on 30 September 1998, and provided that an application can be made by a 'person or persons authorised by all the persons (the native title claim group) who, according to their traditional laws and customs, hold the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed, provided the person or persons are also included in the native title claim group': s 61(1). 66 The application must name the persons in the native title group or otherwise describe the persons sufficiently clearly so that it can be ascertained whether any particular person is one of those persons: s 61(4). 67 The issue arises whether, where an application lodged before 30 September 1998 has been amended subsequent to the commencement of the amending Act, such an amended application must comply with the new s 61 requirements. I note that of the applications made before the commencement of the amending Act, the application in DG6007/1998 is the only one which has not since been amended. As the first applicants pointed out in their submissions in reply, all of the parts of the claim area covered by application DG6007/1998 are accepted by them as having been extinguished (Schedule 3 of their Revised Form of Determination), so it is not necessary to further address the question of whether that application needed to be, and was, authorised. 68 In Quall v Risk [2001] FCA 378 O'Loughlin J at [65] held that an application that is amended subsequent to the commencement of the amending Act must comply with the new requirements of s 61. Quall v Risk has been followed in Dieri People v State of South Australia (2003) 127 FCR 364 (Dieri) at [18] and in Edward Landers v State of South Australia (2003) 128 FCR 495 at [5]. This view is consistent with decisions requiring amendments for a native title determination application made after the amending Act to comply with the NT Act: Daniel for the Ngaluma People v Western Australia [1999] FCA 686 per Nicholson J; Eora People - Brown v NSW Minister for Land and Water Conservation [2000] FCA 1238 at [22] per Madgwick J; Donnelly v Minister for Land and Water Conservation [1999] FCA 1581 at [11] per Hely J. I observe that inBodney v Bropho (2004) 140 FCR 77 at [20] Branson J said that those three last mentioned cases do not support the principle expressed in Quall v Risk. The view in Quall v Risk is also consistent with s 66B of the NT Act, introduced by the amending Act. That section provides for the replacement of applicants in native title determination applications, having regard to the authorisation prescribed by s 251B, whether or not the native title determination application was made before or after the amending Act: Daniel v Western Australia (2002) 194 ALR 278 (Daniel v WA); Holborow v State of Western Australia [2002] FCA 1428. Section 251B requires the authorisation to be given by all the persons in a native title claim group in the manner provided for. 69 In Bodney v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 890 (Bodney), before Wilcox J, the parties accepted the adoption of the approach in Quall v Risk. The Full Court in Bodney v Bropho (2004) 149 FCR 77 did not find it necessary to determine this issue because the parties had accepted the approach in Quall v Risk: see the judgments of Spender J at [1], Branson J at [15] and Stone J at [55]. 70 Emmett J in Wharton on behalf of the Kooma People v State of Queensland [2003] FCA 1398 (Wharton) considered O'Loughlin J's decision in Quall v Risk in the context of a notice of motion to strike out a native title determination application under s 84C of the NT Act. His Honour drew attention to item 21 of Sch 5 to the amending Act which provided as follows: 'Section 84C of the new Act applies where the main application mentioned in that section was made either before or after the commencement of that section. If the main application was made before the commencement, the reference in that section to section 61 or section 62 is a reference to section 61 or section 62 of the old Act.' 71 Emmett J considered at [27-28] that 'An amendment to the main application does not give rise to a new application. The scheme of the Act recognises that applications may be amended. There is nothing to suggest that, when an application is amended, it should thereupon be treated as a new application so as to lose the protection afforded by item 21. Quite anomalous consequences could flow from the construction contended for by the Branfield Applicants. Any amendment made, after the commencement of the Amendment Act, to a native title determination application filed prior to the commencement of the Amendment Act, would lead to the removal of the protection implicit in item 21'. 72 His Honour qualified his position by noting at [29] O'Loughlin J's referral to an amendment involving a change in the 'composition of the claimants', and suggested that '[t]here may be some justification for treating as a fresh application, an application purporting to be made on behalf of a native title claim group different in substance from the group named pursuant to s 61(2) of the old Act'. In Bodney v Bropho (2004) 140 FCR 77 at [85], Stone J referred to Emmett J's statement and said: 'In other words, for a change in composition of the claim group to justify treating the application as a fresh application made after the commencement of the Amending Act (with the consequence that it is required to comply with s 61 of the new Act), the change would need to be such that, in Emmett J's words, the claim group is 'different in substance' from the group originally named. In my view, however, an amendment that provided further particulars of the claim group, as opposed to one that changed the composition of the claim group, would not justify departing from the clear words of cl 21 of Schedule 5.' 73 The decision in Wharton was the subject of an application for leave to appeal to the Full Court, which comprised Ryan, Finn and North JJ: Branfield v Wharton [2004] FCAFC 138. The application was refused. Their Honours were prepared to assume the existence of the principle said to be established by Quall v Risk for the purposes of the application. However, at [12], their Honours found that the applicants had not established any error made by Emmett J in the application of the principle. 74 Before the Full Court in Wharton, the State of Queensland argued that Quall v Risk was wrongly decided, and that an application under s 84C of the NT Act in respect of an application for a determination of native title commenced before the amending Act was to be considered under the old s 61, whether or not there were amendments made to the application after the commencement of the amending Act. The Full Court found that it was unnecessary to decide this point, and that '[c]onsideration of that argument should await a case in which its determination is required by the facts of the case': at [13]. 75 On that state of the authorities, in my view I should follow the approach in Quall v Risk. It is a decision of some years' standing, and has been followed in a number of subsequent single judge decisions. Counsel for the first applicant did not contend that it is clearly wrong. Consequently, the next step is to determine whether the requirements of the new s 61 were fulfilled in relation to the applications comprised in the consolidated proceedings. 76 As noted above, s 61 requires that a person who makes an application for a native title determination be 'authorised by all the persons (the native title claim group) who, according to their traditional laws and customs, hold the common or group rights and interests comprising the particular native title claimed …'. "Authorised" is defined in s 251B as follows: 'For the purposes of this Act, all the persons in a native title claim group or compensation claim group authorise a person or persons to make a native title determination application or a compensation application, and to deal with matters arising in relation to it, if: (a) where there is a process of decision-making that, under the traditional laws and customs of the persons in the native title claim group or compensation claim group, must be complied with in relation to authorising things of that kind - the persons in the native title claim group or compensation claim group authorise the person or persons to make the application and to deal with the matters in accordance with that process; or (b) where there is no such process - the persons in the native title claim group or compensation claim group authorise the other person or persons to make the application and to deal with the matters in accordance with a process of decision-making agreed to and adopted, by the persons in the native title claim group or compensation claim group, in relation to authorising the making of the application and dealing with the matters, or in relation to doing things of that kind.' 77 Section 251B provides for two mutually exclusive means for all the persons in the native title claim group to authorise one or more persons to make a native title determination application: Dieri at [57]. 78 The requirement that 'all' persons of the group are to authorise the applicant to make the application does not mean that every single person must give their authorisation. In Lawson v Minister for Land and Water Conservation (NSW) [2002] FCA 1517 at [25], Stone J held that s 251B(a) and (b) provide the means by which 'all the persons in a native title claim' are taken to have given their authorisation. Similarly, O'Loughlin J in Quall v Risk at [33] held that 'all' cannot mean every member of the group. Further, there is no prescribed procedure in the NT Act by which each member of the group authorises an applicant to bring an application, indicating that as long as a decision-making process is adhered to as outlined in s 251B, the authorisation will be valid. 79 Seven native title determination applications were filed by the first applicants. These include DG6007/98; DG6017/98; DG6040/98; D6001/99; D6007/99; D6018/99 and D6026/01. All of these applications (apart from DG6007/98) were either amended or lodged subsequent to the commencement of the amending Act, on 30 September 1998. Applications DG6017/98 and DG6040/98 were filed before 30 September 1998. These applications were amended subsequent to the amendments to the NT Act, for the purposes of the registration test.

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The Authorisation Process 80 Mr Risk gave evidence in relation to the authorisation of the Larrakia applicants in the proceedings. His evidence was to the effect that two procedures were used to obtain authorisation from all members of the Larrakia group to go ahead with the native title determination application. 81 The first procedure was a series of 'public meetings', held at numerous locations. The numbers of attendees at these meetings varied. The Northern Land Council organised the meetings and notified people by sending out individually addressed letters to participants. Mr Risk gave evidence that the Northern Land Council maintained a list of all of the applicants. This list was compiled with the help of the individual families and anthropologists who worked with the Northern Land Council and was updated at the meetings where any new attendees were noted. However, Mr Risk could not say from his own knowledge that the Northern Land Council wrote a letter to each person on the list. 82 Mr Risk gave evidence that the public meetings were 'mainly information type meetings. The decision to be party to the Native Title application came from the family groupings'. He further explained: 'Each of the families who are party to the application come from large groups of families. They in turn have elders that they listen to in their individual family groupings. If those families were not to be party to the application they would have made that decision based on their beliefs and values in their families from their elders, and they would have instructed myself and the Northern Land Council not to have them on there, so … each of those families who are party to the application made a decision within their family units listening to their relatives and coming along and being party to it.' 83 There were also individual meetings between Mr Risk, sometimes accompanied by a representative of the Northern Land Council, and the families that were considered to make up the Larrakia group. During these meetings, there would be discussion of bringing a native title determination application. When questioned during the proceedings, Mr Risk was satisfied that all members of each family were notified of each meeting and were able to attend. 84 During the hearing, I asked Mr Risk about what would happen if some of the family groups did not want to go ahead with the application, as occurred here with the Roman and the Quall families. He responded that there would be further discussions. If the families still refused to participate, then the decision of the majority would bind all of the families. He had learned this principle from observance of 'what has happened since the [19]70's and the processes that have been followed'. He was not able to say whether this was a traditional decision-making process which would have applied in the late 1800's onwards. 85 In summary, Mr Risk was confident, on his understanding of the Larrakia laws and customs, that, having consulted with the families, and having agreement from almost all of the families to go ahead with the application, he was authorised to bring the native title claim on behalf of the Larrakia group, which included the Qualls and the Romans. 86 There was no substantive evidence given by Mr Quall as to how the Quall applications came to be authorised.

[44]

Section 251B(a): decision-making under traditional laws and customs 87 The requirements of s 251B(a) are met in relation to a native title determination application only in circumstances where there are traditional laws or customs which deal with authorising 'things of that kind'. An analogy may need to be drawn, given that traditional laws and customs are unlikely to have contemplated a process for authorising native title claims: Daniel v WA. 88 The requirement for authorisation acknowledges 'the communal character of traditional law and custom which grounds native title. It is not a condition to be met by formulaic statements in or in support of applications': Strickland v Native Title Registrar (1999) 168 ALR 242 at 259-260, approved by the Full Court in Western Australia v Strickland (2000) 99 FCR 33 at 52 and cited in Daniel v WA at [12]. 89 There must be evidence as to the nature of the decision-making process employed: Quandamooka People (No 1) v State of Queensland [2002] FCA 259 at [25], where Drummond J referred to 'the importance of there being evidence identifying the nature of the decision-making processes followed by a native title claim group that result in one or more of their members being given authority to act in relation to the claim on behalf of the group.' See also Duren v Kiama Council [2001] FCA 1363, per Lindgren J at [6]. 90 In Daniel v WA, two groups of Aboriginal people had had a close association over the preceding fifty years. In relation to the native title determination application, the applicants had held a number of community meetings, where there was discussion and consultation between group members. Evidence was led that this process had been followed since the claim was lodged in 1996. French J found that 'the evidence … suggests that they have developed no form of common or joint decision-making applicable to native title determination applications which could be called decision-making under traditional law and custom. It may well be that within each group there are internal mechanisms of traditional law and custom which inform the process of joint decision-making in relation to matters connected with the native title determination application. But, in my opinion there is on the balance of probability no process of the kind contemplated in s 251B(a) of the Native Title Act.' (at [51]) 91 In contrast, in Dieri, there was evidence that there had been held traditional tribal meetings, attended by the initiated and elders, at each stage of the proceedings. This was sufficient to indicate that the decisions were made pursuant to traditional laws and customs (at [52]). 92 The issue of authorisation in the current proceedings was not pleaded by the applicants nor by the respondents. It is therefore not surprising that so little evidence was led in relation to this evidence. Indeed, the only evidence led was that of Mr Risk. 93 The issue emerged in essence during final submissions. It was thoroughly canvassed in the Territory's written submissions. There was no attempt by counsel for the first applicants to bring the authorisation within s 251B(b) of the Act, doubtless because Mr Risk's evidence excluded this option. Counsel for the first applicants submitted that the decision-making process, whereby discussion would occur between family groups with the ultimate decision made by the elders, was traditional. 94 It would be appropriate to defer ruling on this issue until findings are made about the existence of traditional laws and customs of a society which existed at sovereignty, and which has continued to maintain those traditional laws and customs (albeit adapted to the changes in society generally) to the present time. The determination of those matters is likely to expose the answer to the competing submissions on this point. In the event, it has become unnecessary to further address this issue.

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consideration of the evidence 95 In the following extensive section of these reasons, I propose to consider the evidence in the several historical periods suggested by the Territory. That is not inconsistent with the approach of the applicants, although their written submission was structured in a somewhat different way. I think the process is the more convenient way of ensuring the proper application of s 223 of the NT Act. 96 In this section of my reasons for judgment I have adopted the course of referring to the 'Larrakia people' as encompassing both the first applicants and the second applicants. That avoids the duplication of references, and reflects the fact that most of the evidence on connection was adduced by the first applicants. It is not intended to reflect any prejudgment of the respective claims of the first applicants and of the second applicants. Where it is necessary to distinguish between them, I have done so. 97 The evidence is to be considered having regard to the matters which the applicants are required to establish to make out their claim or claims, and which the Territory disputes. They are: (a) whether the applicants are a society united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of a body of laws and customs which constitutes a normative system, or as the Territory contends, the 'laws and customs' asserted are idiosyncratic and inconsistent both between and within family groups, with the result that it is not possible to infer any commonality or unity within the group about those 'laws and customs'; (b) whether the present day body of laws and customs are the body of laws and customs acknowledged and observed by the ancestors of members of the Larrakia people, or as the Territory contends, the differences between the laws and customs disclosed in the historical material and the present day evidence are significant and substantial; and (c) whether the acknowledgment and observance of the laws and customs has continued substantially uninterrupted by each generation since sovereignty, and whether the society has continued to exist throughout that period as a body united in and by its acknowledgment and observance of those laws and customs, or as the Territory contends, from very soon after non-Aboriginal settlement of the Darwin area, the Larrakia 'society' ceased to acknowledge and to observe the laws and customs previously acknowledged and observed, until the 'land rights era' of the 1970s when a revival of an approximation of those laws and customs gave rise to the present day Larrakia society.

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The Period 1825 - c 1910 98 The first step in determining whether the Larrakia people have maintained a continuous connection with the claim area is to demonstrate whether, at the time of sovereignty, the Larrakia people existed in the Darwin region and had a body of traditional laws and customs which the group acknowledged and observed. In my discussion of whether the Larrakia people have maintained a sufficient 'connection', it is necessary to quote certain historical sources at length. Much of the descriptive language included in such sources is now considered inappropriate and offensive. 99 It is agreed between the parties that the Crown acquired sovereignty over the Northern Territory in 1825, and that the first European settlement in the Darwin region was in 1869. The date of sovereignty results from the extension of the boundary of the Colony of New South Wales to the meridian of 129o east longitude from the meridian of 135o east longitude by Letters Patent issued to Governor Darling and dated 16 July 1825: see the discussion in Hayes v Northern Territory (1999) 97 FCR 32 at 68 per Olney J. 100 In the First Applicants' Amended Points of Claim, filed 27 August 2002, the first applicants plead the following: 'Prior inhabitants 96. Aboriginal people (prior inhabitants) have inhabited the Larrakia country including the claim area since before non-indigenous sovereignty was asserted over, and long before non-indigenous settlement first occurred in, Larrakia country. 97. The following facts and matters are relied on to establish such prior inhabitancy: (a) archaeological material at least 3,000 years old, and perhaps as much as 7,000 years old, is known from the region of the claim area and Larrakia country. Many different types of sites are known, with artefact scatters and middens being the most common. Many thousands of sites exist within Larrakia country. These sites are found throughout the region but are concentrated on coastal and riverine zones. The archaeological material shows that during the last few thousand years the foraging economy of the occupants of Larrakia country changed as people exploited marine molluscs less intensively and switched focus of their food gathering in wetland areas. The archaeological material is consistent with Aboriginal occupation of the area by a single group that changed its economic practices throughout the 3,000 years recorded and developed into the Larrakia as observed historically. Ethnographic and historical observations are largely congruent with the kinds of archaeological patterns that have been documented. The targeting of resources and the focus of occupation, between prehistoric and historic periods suggests continuity of lifestyle; (b) a survey of the historical attestations of the Larrakia language and a review of the phonology, grammar and vocabulary of Larrakia language in order to explore the historical relations between Larrakia and other languages leads to the conclusion that Larrakia is likely to have developed over a number of millennia in its most recent location; (c) the Darwin area was occupied by an Aboriginal people in organised society in 1825 and in 1869; (d) the first recorded interactions between Aboriginal people and Europeans in the immediate Darwin area was made in 1839, some 14 years after the inclusion of the Northern Territory in the colony of New South Wales involved, on the part of Europeans, John Lort Stokes. Attestations by Stokes of the language of the Aboriginal people he met are more similar to Larrakia than to any other known language of the area. Permanent European occupation of the Darwin area did not occur until 1869. Prior to this there was very little European activity in the Darwin area. The historical record created between 1989 [sic] and 1940 consistently recognises Larrakia people as belonging to the Darwin region because of their prior occupation of that area. The historical record demonstrates that from 1869 non-Aboriginal people continued to recognise Larrakia rights in the Darwin area. Between 1869 and 1940 and to the present day the historical record contains references to Larrakia assertions of traditional rights within the Darwin area; (e) the historical record, the genealogical record, and the oral history of the Larrakia attest to the ancestral connection between the members of the Larrakia claim group and the Aboriginal people in occupation of the claim area in 1825; and (f) the traditional connection of the Larrakia with the claim area, and the native title rights and interests they assert, were inherited from their ancestors in accordance with traditional laws and customs.'

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Archaeological Evidence 101 Archaeological evidence was provided by Dr Hiscock, a Senior Lecturer and Head of Archaeology at the Australian National University in Canberra. 102 Dr Hiscock identified numerous types of archaeological sites in the Darwin region, and noted that it is currently impossible to determine an accurate estimate of overall site density in the area because of insufficient data. Despite this, he concluded that archaeological material at least 3000 years old is known from the Darwin region. From the available evidence, Dr Hiscock was able to conclude: 'Firstly, the archaeological record indicates all the major aspects of the economic structures that were in place. The shells and bones found in shell middens, earth mounds and non-midden deposits reflect food preparation, consumption and discard, and by implication the foraging that obtained the food. In those same sites stone artefacts … are the sole surviving component of what must have been a more diverse material tool kit for exploiting the landscape. The artefacts include stone axes, points, and various forms that could have been used for cutting and scraping. These stone artefacts have been obtained from quarries, either directly by the use or through trade. The artefacts were manufactured, often in one locality before transportation to a second locality for use. These economic activities were clearly structured across the landscape. Exploitation of food resources and perhaps long-term encampment was most intense in the river valleys and wetlands and along the coast … . Within these zones activities were structured, as revealed by site location and clustering. The details of structuring are not always clear given the available level of archaeological information, but the structuring was presumably in response to economic and social needs. Away from the resource rich locations, such as in the low hills and laterite plains, occupation may have [been] less intensive and more specific, as revealed in the exploitation of quarries for material used elsewhere. The second point that can be made is that the archaeological investigations have revealed changes in the economy of people living in the area. On the Adelaide River flood plain there is evidence to show that as the plain formed it eliminated rich mangrove habitats and eventually created the freshwater wetlands visible today. During this sequence of environmental change the animals targeted for food changed … . Equally dramatic changes are visible in archaeological sites on the coast, where shell mounds are up to 2,500 years old … . These mounds are composed largely of Anadara shells, a mollusc that lives mainly on open beaches. The extensive mangrove communities that exist in the Darwin Harbour have built up in the last 500-1,000 years. Prior to that time the archaeological record, in the form of shell mounds, provides evidence for intensive exploitation of shell beds on the open coastline … . In the last few hundred years the development of the mangroves is connected to the reduction of intensive mollusc exploitation and mound building as people shifted emphasis to other resources. Future archaeological investigations will provide more details of these events, but it is already clear that economic restructuring occurred during the last few thousand years.' 103 In essence, Dr Hiscock found that, on the basis of the available archaeological evidence, the Darwin region has been inhabited for at least the past 3000 years by a group of people with established economic structures that could adapt to, for example, environmental change. Dr Hiscock's evidence was not contested by the respondent. I accept his evidence. 104 Dr Hiscock pointed out that the archaeological record can only yield information stored in material objects, and then only objects which are capable of preservation. He also pointed out the relative chronological imprecision of archaeological investigation compared to historical records. Whilst I accept those limitations upon his evidence, I think it points firmly towards there having been in the general geographical area of the claim area a diversity of activities consistent with a population of some density indicative of a 'resident' population, albeit (as he said) somewhat unevenly spread and probably influenced by geographic and environmental factors. I also accept his evidence that the economic society to which his findings point existed a considerable time before sovereignty and adapted and modified in response to environmental change with the passage of time. 105 The Territory pointed out that the archaeological record did not reveal the practice of capture and consumption of dugong and marine turtle, so that that practice (to which a number of witnesses referred, as well as it being disclosed in the historical data) must have arisen in the relatively recent past. Consistent with Dr Hiscock's view, that recent past may have been pre-sovereignty. 106 Overall, his evidence does point to an organised society existing pre-sovereignty in the claim area, responsive to the geography and environment of the region, and which adapted to change. The sort of activities which his investigations revealed does not itself indicate anything about the identity of the society, or their connection with the Larrakia people. Nor does it provide any reason to infer that there is no connection between that society and the Larrakia people. I note however that there was no evidence that any of the sites identified by Dr Hiscock have been used by any of the Larrakia people within living memory, nor any oral tradition about when any of those sites were used by them.

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(i) The Ethnographic Evidence 109 Ethnography is a descriptive account of the behaviour of a group of people who are contemporary with the author of the account. Dr Bourke defined ethno-archaeology, in the context of this matter, as 'a study of modern day Larrakia knowledge and practice of land and resource use for comparison, both with ethnographic and historical records of activities seen around the time of first European settlement, and with material seen in the archaeological record.' 110 As noted by Dr Bourke, the early observations of the practices of the indigenous inhabitants of the area are limited in number and are general in nature. However, it was Dr Bourke's opinion that the major ethnographic and historical sources of the time can be assumed to be relatively reliable. The observations in these sources indicate that the indigenous people in the Darwin region had a 'rich material culture and ceremonial life'. They took part in ceremonial exchanges with neighbouring groups. There was extensive exploitation of natural resources for both spiritual and practical uses, on a seasonal basis. I have drawn from ethnographic sources used by Dr Bourke in my examination of the cultural practices of the Larrakia people during the early European settlement period. I am not to be taken as having prejudged the question whether the Larrakia people were the society inhabiting the claim area during this early period. Ultimately, I have found that they were so. In addition, many of the early documented references refer to them. It is therefore easier to use the expression 'the Larrakia people' hereafter rather than some more general description of the inhabitants of the general area. 111 The ethnographic and historical sources of this period include Paul Foelsche and Thomas Parkhouse, as well as William Wildey and Harriet Daley. Paul Foelsche was a police inspector in the Northern Territory and published 'Notes on the Aborigines of North Australia' (1881) (Foelsche (1881)) and 'On the manners, customs, religions, superstitions of natives of Port Darwin and west coast of Gulf of Carpentaria' (1885) (Foelsche (1885)). He also published 'Port Darwin. The Larrakia Tribe' in E M Curr, The Australian Race (Melbourne, 1886) (Foelsche (1886)). Thomas Parkhouse was 'formerly Accountant and Paymaster' for the South Australian railways in Darwin. His interest was in Aboriginal languages and he published 'Remarks on the Native Tongues in the Neighbourhood of Port Darwin' (1894) (Parkhouse (1894)) and 'Native Tribes of Port Darwin and Neighbourhood' (1895) (Parkhouse (1895)). William Wildey travelled to Darwin in 1873 and subsequently published an article entitled 'Natives and their habits' in 1876 (Wildey (1876)). Harriet Daly was the daughter of the Northern Territory's first Government Resident. She arrived in Darwin in 1870 with her family, and subsequently published 'Digging, Squatting and Pioneering Life in the Northern Territory of South Australia' in 1887 (Daly 1887). 112 Questions were raised by the Territory as to the credibility of the methodology used by Dr Bourke in compiling her expert report, and indeed, Dr Bourke qualified the report herself, saying: 'fieldwork in the Darwin region carried out for this study, and for previous studies summarised in this report, are all of very short duration (generally a few weeks), with a few people. This represents only a small sample of the Larrakia community, and a sample of the cultural knowledge and activities of the people who took part in the studies.' 113 Dr Bourke described her methodology as a 'comparative process', consisting of comparing the archaeological record with the behaviour of modern day people. She conducted 39 days of fieldwork with Larrakia people. This fieldwork consisted of Dr Bourke visiting sites with volunteers from the Larrakia community: 16 adults and four children participated. The adults who participated were Robert Mills, Wes Mills, Violet Mills, Victor Williams, Donna Jackson, Robert Browne, Ted Browne, Lorraine Williams, Bill Risk, Pauline Baban, Patrick Briston, Richard Barnes, LC, Mary Lee, Cathie Wilson and Frank Cubillo. Of these volunteers, nine gave evidence before this Court. They were Donna Jackson, Robert Browne, Lorraine Williams, Bill Risk, Pauline Baban, Patrick Briston, Richard Barnes, LC and Mary Lee. The volunteers were contacted by Dr Bourke using a list of names supplied by the Northern Land Council. Not all of the family groups were represented. When asked how she ensured the representative nature of the volunteers, Dr Bourke replied that she checked for consistency between the groups of volunteers and what they said. 114 Several sections of Dr Bourke's report were objected to by the Territory, in particular, sections of the report regarding Dr Bourke's fieldwork. I received this part of the report on the condition that it be limited to demonstrating the material available to Dr Bourke, except where those sections of the report were based clearly on her personal observations: s 136 Evidence Act. 115 In cross-examination by Mr Hughston SC, Dr Bourke conceded that it was likely that the volunteers she worked with exaggerated their knowledge of resources and participation in resource collection because they knew that her report would be evidence in their case. 116 In these circumstances, there is little if any difference in demonstrating knowledge and collection of resources to an expert witness, and explaining those same things to a Court whilst on an on-site view. All the Larrakia witnesses who gave evidence before me in this matter were honest and genuine witnesses. I was very impressed with all of the witnesses who had also informed Dr Bourke, and particularly so with Lorraine Williams, who obviously has played an instrumental role in the increased awareness and interest in, or the revival of, the Larrakia customs and traditions. 117 Consequently, whilst I accept Dr Bourke's observations and views, I do not think that they take the applicants' case much further than the oral evidence. Her evidence has facilitated and assisted me in better understanding the significance of some of the oral evidence. As my consideration of the whole of the evidence relating to this period reveals, the indigenous community in this period 1825-1900 carried out types of economic activity consistent with those carried out in current times by the Larrakia people, of course adapted to current society. 118 In the event of manipulation of information provided to Dr Bourke, this would be counter productive if it conflicted with the evidence before the Court. In this case, the matters recorded by Dr Bourke and the evidence given to this Court overlap and there are significant correlations. 119 The Territory itself recognised in its written submission that - 'The ethnographic accounts of the late 19th and early 20th centuries reveal a rich material culture and ceremonial life practised by the Larrakia and neighbouring groups'. Those accounts reveal systems for the inter-generational transmission of ecological information and resource procurement, a system of alliance and mutual sharing, ceremonies and song cycles of both practical and spiritual significance, often related to particular geographical features or locations, body ornamentation, hunting weapons and cooking and carrying implements.

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(ii) The Historical Evidence 120 Before turning to the review of the evidence and the particular findings on those matters, it is appropriate to consider the evidence of Dr Wells in a little detail. That is because the Territory submitted that Dr Wells' expert historical evidence should be given little, if any, weight, on the basis of an her alleged 'bias' or predisposition in favour of the first applicants. The submission was directed more to Dr Wells' evidence about the period post 1990 than the earlier period. 121 At the beginning of her report, Dr Wells described the background to the methodology that she adopted. There were few references in the historical record to Larrakia people between 1920 and 1970. Dr Wells explained this absence of references to the Larrakia people in the historical record as due to a number of factors. These included the increased disinterest in 'town' Aboriginal people, the culling of official documents from the archival record and the destruction of official and personal records during the Second World War and the cyclones in 1937 and 1974. 122 Dr Wells also referred to other factors which may have affected the existence of Larrakia people in the historical record. For example, she said generic terms were often used in historical sources to refer to Aboriginal people, and it was unclear whether phrases such as 'town blacks' and 'Darwin blacks' in particular documents embraced Larrakia people in the township. Simply because there is no historical record of Aboriginal people in a particular place or performing particular ceremonies does not necessarily result in the conclusion that they were absent from the location or not performing ceremonies. Rather, it can also be explained by the reporter's absence, or disinterest. She referred to WW Sowden, a journalist, as having elected not to relate 'disagreeable details' of the Larrakia lifestyle. Dr Wells also said that Aboriginal people were commonly referred to by geographical area, rather than by language group, in the historical sources. Constructions of the concept of 'Aboriginality' at the time at which the historical documents were written dictated that Larrakia people of mixed descent were 'rarely' recognised as belonging to a particular 'tribal grouping', and were simply referred to as 'half-castes' or 'coloureds'. Finally, Dr Wells said that it was 'likely' that Aboriginal people themselves determined which aspects of ceremonial life they would allow non-Aboriginal people to observe. 123 With the background of the relative absence of references to Larrakia people in the historical record between 1920 and 1970, Dr Wells adopted a methodology which, in her words, sought 'to position indigenous peoples as active agents rather than passive recipients in colonial history. Seeing the Larrakia as active agents requires historians to read against the grain of what is actually presented in historical documents.' Dr Wells also said that an historian needed to take into account the historical circumstances surrounding historical events. In the Darwin region, the physical ecological environment underwent an enormous change following the advent of colonialism in the area. 124 Put broadly, the Territory submitted that Dr Wells' evidence ought to be given scant weight, because, it was alleged, she was predisposed in her opinions towards the first applicants. In particular, the first respondent attacked Dr Wells' reports and oral evidence as advocacy for the first applicants, on the following bases (I have omitted page references to the transcript): '(a) in Ms Wells' words, she was "employed by the Northern Land Council on behalf of the Larrakia" to prepare her Report; (b) since 1995, Ms Wells has worked as a consultant historian for either or both of the Northern and Central Land Councils; (c) Ms Wells has never been engaged as a historian for someone desiring to test or challenge a land claim or a native title claim; (d) not all historians would approach this exercise using her methodology; (e) applying Ms Wells' methodology, negative portrayals of Larrakia people are to be "valued" less than positive ones, but may, nevertheless, be read so as "to get something useful out of it", such as the fact that Larrakia people were present; (f) one reason for "reading against the grain" of a document would be if the author has used some language Ms Wells does not agree with; (g) Ms Wells has had a particular interest in the Larrakia connection with the Darwin area since 1993 and has spent "much of the last 10 years in archives and libraries researching archival records for information about the Larrakia"; (h) Ms Wells was employed by the Larrakia Nation Aboriginal Corporation to assist in and contribute to the book, Saltwater People, Larrakia Stories from Around Darwin; (i) Ms Wells' PhD thesis, Aboriginal histories in place, Darwin 1869-1945, examines the "interactions / negotiations" between Larrakia and white people in Darwin in the early days "as a means of trying to debunk some of the published literature about the Larrakia which has seen them as being friendly and welcoming". All the chapters of Ms Wells' thesis are relevant to the material in her Report.'

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126 The Territory submitted that Dr Wells' predisposition was evident in her treatment of the lack of historical records on the Larrakia people between 1920 and 1970. Dr Wells advanced various reasons for this dearth of material, but did not canvas the possibility that 'the Larrakia, as a distinct tribal entity, had virtually ceased to exist'. Nor, according to the Territory, did Dr Wells consider 'that the far more recent assertions of Larrakia survival are more questionable than the historic record expressing Larrakia extinction.' Dr Wells agreed, in cross-examination, that generally historical records regarding the fate of the Larrakia people were 'overwhelmingly pessimistic'. 127 The Territory submitted that Dr Wells' previous experience as an expert historian was limited to background work in the Urapunga Land Claim and the St Vidgeon Native Title Claim. Dr Wells gave evidence that she never met any members of the claimant group in those matters, and the Territory submitted that this fact 'discloses the difference between her reports in those matters and her Report prepared "on behalf of" the Larrakia applicants in these proceedings, namely, Ms Wells' methodology of "reading against the grain"'. In short, the Territory claimed that Dr Wells was 'inherently biased' towards the first applicants. It therefore submitted that little if any weight should be accorded to Dr Wells' expert history report, and that the utility in the report lay in its narration of the historical events which impacted on the lives of the Aboriginal people in the Darwin region. 128 Dr Wells admitted that she had not read the whole of the Kenbi Report, and that she did not include any of the findings in the Kenbi Report in her expert report. She admitted that it was 'terribly remiss' of her not to refer to or include the findings in the Kenbi Report which related to the Larrakia people, and which were relevant to her report. 129 I intend to deal firstly with the general contention of predisposition, followed by a discussion of Dr Wells' methodology in preparing her expert report. 130 A good starting point is the Court's Guidelines for Expert Witnesses in Proceedings in the Federal Court of Australia. The Guidelines do not have legislative force. Guideline 1 (comprised of 1.1, 1.2 and 1.3) provides that an expert witness has an overriding duty to the Court, and is not an advocate for a party. 131 The explanatory memorandum to the Guidelines provides that 'An expert is not disqualified from giving evidence by reason only of the fact of a pre-existing relationship with the party that proffers the expert as a witness, but the nature of the pre-existing relationship should be disclosed. Where an expert has such a relationship with the party the expert may need to pay particular attention to the identification of the factual premises upon which the expert's opinion is based. The expert should make it clear whether, and to what extent, the opinion is based on the personal knowledge of the expert … derived from the ongoing relationship rather than on factual premises or assumptions provided to the expert by way of instructions. … An expert witness does not compromise objectivity by defending, forcefully if necessary, an opinion based on the expert's specialised knowledge which is genuinely held but may do so if the expert is, for example, unwilling to give consideration to alternative factual premises or is unwilling, where appropriate, to acknowledge recognised differences of opinion or approach between experts in the relevant discipline.' Dr Wells was cross-examined by Mr Hiley QC for the DCC. Parts of this cross-examination were relied upon by the Territory to indicate Dr Wells' alleged bias. It is instructive to consider parts of the relevant cross-examination, which is as follows:

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'MR HILEY: … I'm asking you whether you knew any more about the identity of the people on whose behalf the applications were being made. MS WELLS: Oh I see. Only informally through my work, you know my work elsewhere. MR HILEY: I see. MS WELLS: Did I know that - who the Larrakia people were who were making the - making the claim. … I was employed by the Northern Land Council on behalf of the Larrakia, and so I took my instructions from the Northern Land Council. […] MR HILEY: I'm inquiring whether you took steps to find out the basis upon which the Larrakia people were making the claim? MS WELLS: No, no, I didn't because - because I was instructed to look at documentary evidence, I went off and looked through the archives and the historical record for the documentary evidence rather than approaching Larrakia people … to understand that basis. […] MR HILEY: … Now, I then want to ask you a few questions about your CV. It would appear that since 1995 you have worked as a Consultant Historian for either or both of the Northern Land Council and the Central Land Council, is that correct? MS WELLS: That's true. MR HILEY: And I take it that you've also - some of that time has been occupied having children? MS WELLS: That's right. MR HILEY: So of that 7 or 8 years or so, would half of that time, or a third or whatever, have been spent working as a Consultant Historian? MS WELLS: Possibly a third of that time. MR HILEY: … And I take it you haven't been employed as such by either of the Land Councils; rather, you've been engaged on a contract basis on each of those occasions; is that correct? MS WELLS: I mean, was employed very briefly as a Researcher for the Northern Land Council for a period of about a month and a half, two months, at one stage. MR HILEY: … And do you understand that one of the main roles of the Land Councils, at least in relation to Aboriginal Land Rights cases, has been to attempt to look after the interests of people who are regarded as traditional Aboriginal owners? MS WELLS: Yes. MR HILEY: Okay. And do you also understand that the roles - one of the main roles of the Land Councils in their capacity as representative bodies under the Native Title Act, is similar; that is, to attempt to look after the interests of those who claim that they have Native Title interests in land? MS WELLS: Yes. MR HILEY: Okay. And so do you see part of - have you seen that as party of your role as a Consultative Historian for those bodies to assist them in fulfilling those roles? MS WELLS: Not - no, I wouldn't - wouldn't look at my role as that. I would look at my role as trying to instruct the Court as to the history of a particular region. For me, it doesn't bear a lot of relation to people on the ground in lots of ways, working in documentary history, I look at the historical record. I - you know, I look in depth at the historical record, and I write the report based on what I - what I see. […] MR HILEY: … So you recognise that it's an important function of yours, as a Historian, to provide the historical basis for these various claims in which you have had an involvement? MS WELLS: That's right. MR HILEY: And as such, to assist the claimants to advance their case? MS WELLS: No, I look at it as assisting the Court to understand the history of particular areas. […] MR HILEY: … Have you ever been engaged as a Historian or as a Consultant Historian by somebody desiring to test or to challenge a land claim or a Native Title claim? MS WELLS: No. MR HILEY: Okay. In the process of carrying out your research for this case, I take it that you searched high and low for all information that would be supportive of the Larrakia claim? MS WELLS: That would be supportive of gaining an understanding of the history between the Larrakia and the whites in this area, yes.' 132 Dr Wells gave evidence before the Court for three days, during which time she was examined and cross-examined by counsel for the applicants and the Territory and the DCC, as to the contents of her report and her methodology. I had ample opportunity to observe Dr Wells as an expert witness during this time. She was not a dispassionate witness. She clearly firmly believed in the reliability of the views she had expressed, and was anxious to persuade as to their accuracy. There is often a fine line between objectivity of presentation and intellectual persuasiveness in communication. An expert is not expected to abandon or qualify opinions truly held because there is a different view, or to accept a different view as equally arguable if that is not the expert's opinion. On the other hand, there are occasions when an expert's opinion, having been reached, has lead that person to such a degree of persuasion - for whatever reason - that countervailing considerations apparent to others are discussed or rationalised in a way that others do not find convincing. 133 In my judgment, Dr Wells did fall into the category of expert witnesses whose views are so firmly held that I have regard to her evidence with some circumspection. That is not because I regard her as less than fully honest with the Court. I have no doubt about that. Nor is it because she did not properly regard her role as that of assisting the court. Quite the contrary, she repeatedly (if implicitly) acknowledged her duty to inform the Court, and not engage in advocacy for the first applicants. She accepted that she was 'employed by the Northern Land Council on behalf of the Larrakia'. But she frankly acknowledged the limitations on the material she had referred to, and that she had on occasions inferred a background or context to certain historical materials to understand them as consistent with her view. I am satisfied that Dr Wells at all times sought to fulfil her role professionally and responsibly. I do not hesitate in accepting her evidence as that of an unbiased expert witness. 134 The Territory challenged Dr Wells' methodology in preparing the expert historical report, and submitted that the first applicants put forward no evidence as to whether it is a methodology widely used or used at all by historians. In cross-examination, Dr Wells conceded that not all historians would adopt the same approach. Further, the Territory contended that Dr Wells' self-described process of 'critical reading' was not the method of an expert historian, but rather of an advocate. 135 An historical source document is only as objective as its author. Therefore, it is reasonable that an expert historian would adopt a methodology requiring a critical reading of source documents. In Daniel v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 666 (Daniel) at [149], Nicholson J said that it must always be borne in mind that any historical record about Aboriginal people is incomplete. There are 'silences' in the historical record. His Honour said that '[t]he nature of these 'silences' and the manner in which they should be addressed is the subject not merely of academic interest, but one that bears directly upon the approach the Court must take in order to interpret the expert and witness evidence, and to derive the inferences that of necessity must be made, in order to decide upon the issues in contention.' Nicholson J said that this was particularly so in Daniel, where the records of 'police and pastoralists' were 'ethnocentric' and where there was a 'lack of continuity of anthropological observation of the customs, practices and lifestyles of Aboriginal people, and Europeans generally, including police, pastoralists and Native Welfare officers, did not identify people by tribe or language.' 136 Dr Wells in cross-examination referred to the issue of silences in the historical record, saying, 'indigenous history has …changed markedly since the 1970s and prior to that, history was sort of written as, you know, white fellas came and did this to Aborigines. There was not much said [about] … the Aborigines responding or having a part in that process, and so over the last 30 years historians have tried to understand the part of Aborigines in that process and understand that they were making informed choices and decisions about … how they would react to different aspects of colonisation.' 137 In the light of the cross-examination, I have come to the view that Dr Wells to a degree adopted a view of historical records which was favourable to the Larrakia claimants. That is not because she was in fact partisan, or was not trying to assist the Court. It was appropriate for her to assess the significance of elements of the historical record. I accept, with respect, what fell from Nicholson J in Daniel. Those observations are equally apt here. But the cross-examination exposed a number of instances where the historical record was not silent, and where Dr Wells had taken a view as to its significance which appeared not to be justified by its terms or on occasions which appeared to be inconsistent with its terms. An historian may well regard such an approach as sensible, and as fitting in with a more general thesis supported by other material. All evidence, whether historical or contemporary, is sought to be understood in its context including the context of its author or speaker. However, in this instance, the primary sources which Dr Wells sought to interpret or read 'against the grain' were many in number and in a number of instances the reasons for doing so were not persuasive to me. As the respondents submitted, that material on its face was also consistent with (and in some cases indicative of) the alternative thesis that during the middle part of the 1900s the Larrakia people were not consistently as coherent a society as Dr Wells said the record intended to show. I think that alternative thesis in respect of that period was not as fully considered by Dr Wells as it might have been. 138 For those reasons, I have approached Dr Wells' evidence about the state and status of Larrakia people as a communal group during the mid 1900s with some circumspection. I have not regarded her views - as the respondents would have it - as having no weight. In other respects, as appears below, I have placed considerable weight on her evidence.

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(iii) The Linguistic Evidence 139 In my view, the expert evidence of Dr Black, a Senior Lecturer in Linguistics at the Northern Territory University, is of great assistance. Dr Black concluded from the historical record that the Larrakia language has been attested in the Darwin area since at least 1889 and possibly since 1846. I did not understand the respondents to dispute this conclusion. 140 Dr Black continued on to consider the relationship between the Larrakia language and neighbouring languages, by performing a 'lexicostatistical comparison' of the languages. Dr Black concluded: 'Larrakia is a distinctively Australian language that shares many characteristics with other languages in the Darwin area. The available evidence makes it seem likely that Larrakia has been spoken in the Darwin area ever since it began to diverge from a common ancestor with Wulna some four to ten millennia ago. If the putative grouping of Larrakia and Wulna should turn out to be ill founded, then its similarities with other languages in the area suggest that it must have been spoken in this area for a number of generations, and there is no evidence to suggest that it was … spoken elsewhere before this.' 141 The Territory submitted that the lack of data available to Dr Black undermined his conclusions. Indeed, Dr Black agreed that Larrakia is no longer spoken fluently. Foelsche reported in 1881 that each tribe of the north coast spoke a different language or dialect, 'but whether they are only a modification of one form of speech or not I am not in a position to state.' Parkhouse (1894-1895) wrote that the Larrakia people spoke their own 'tribal tongue', and Basedow (1907), inf, said that the Larrakia people spoke a 'distinct' dialect. However, Arthur Capell, a linguist who undertook an extensive study of languages in Australia between 1949-1952, and who published an 'extensive grammatical sketch' of the Larrakia language in 1984, believed that Larrakia was 'almost a dead language'. Capell said that when he conducted his study, no children were speaking the language and he knew of only two people who could speak it. 142 One of the source documents used by Dr Black was a dictionary of 434 Larrakia words prepared by Susan Roman for the Kenbi Claim, which, he said, was a 'very good source'. However, Dr Black readily conceded that he had worked with a 'limited sample of the language' and that the largest available source material had fewer than 500 words. The quality of data in relation to the Wulna language, which he compared with Larrakia, was 'very poor'. This 'permitted some sort of linguistic evaluation', but such evaluation was 'difficult'. In performing a comparison, Dr Black informed the Court that most lexicostatisticians would avoid words which are 'bound up in culture', such as animal species' names, and that ideally, a comparison should be done with a greater number of words than was available. However, due to the paucity of data, Dr Black was forced to work with the available set of words. Despite these limitations, Dr Black came to the conclusion that the Larrakia and Wulna languages shared 23 per cent of the vocabulary tested. This indicated that these languages had developed in situ from a common ancestor. 143 Alternatively, Dr Black found that the similarities between the Larrakia and other neighbouring languages were such that suggest that it must have been spoken in this area for a number of generations. 144 The respondents submitted that the validity of Dr Black's conclusion that the Larrakia language had developed in situ was questionable. Counsel for the Territory suggested to Dr Black during cross-examination that both the Wulna and the Larrakia people may have moved into the Darwin region separately but contemporaneously, which would explain the similarities in those languages. Dr Black admitted that this was a possibility. However he said that he still believed that it was more probable than not that the languages developed in situ, based on the lexicostatistical information and on what he considered were 'special similarities' between the Larrakia and other neighbouring languages. Dr Black further based his conclusion on the 'complete absence of any suggestion' that these languages existed in other regions of Australia. 145 The Territory did not lead any expert linguistic evidence which contradicted that of Dr Black. I find Dr Black to be a qualified expert in linguistics and an impartial and dispassionate witness. I accept his evidence.

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(iv) The Records Relating to the latter part of the 19th Century 146 From the historical documents, it is unclear whether the Larrakia people were involved in interactions with European explorers such as Stokes in 1839. When Goyder arrived with his team of surveyors, his initial interactions with the local Aboriginal people were friendly, with bartering taking place between the Aboriginal people and the members of the expedition. This much is apparent from progress reports written by Goyder. In one such report dated 3 May 1869, Goyder claimed that they had 'carried on operations so far without collision with the natives. There are about sixty in the locality, many of whom hang about the fence round the camp from daylight till dark'. First Class Surveyor A T Woods wrote a complaint to Goyder two weeks after their arrival in Port Darwin, protesting about the 'persistent encouragement and familiarity indulged in towards the natives by many of the men'. 147 W W Hoare, a member of the expedition, kept a diary in which he noted the material culture of the local Aboriginal people, having collected necklaces, bracelets, belts, 'yam bags' and spears. He noted the way that the Aboriginal people pierced their noses and scarred their skin. 148 Goyder also explored the East Arm of Darwin harbour, where he located a 'native grave in a small opening' near the high water mark. In a map sketched of the area during his trip, he marked two shell mounds, as well as a 'black's wurley'. As noted by Dr Wells, these are all indicative of Aboriginal occupation of the East Arm area. 149 Despite initial good relations between the local Aboriginal people and members of the expedition, tensions developed. In contrast with Goyder's May 1869 progress report, Hoare recorded in March of that same year that '[i]t was absolutely necessary to establish nightly guards for the security of our camp in case of the savages coming on us or our animals' and, in April 1869, '[n]atives troublesome'. Later, on 8 May 1869, Hoare recorded that '[a] number of armed natives came and wanted to fight us' and that extra guards had been appointed. 150 Relations deteriorated further following the spearing of two surveyors at their camp near the Adelaide River in June 1869. One of the victims, JWO Bennett, who had compiled a vocabulary list of 'Woolner' dialect, died from his wounds. In a report on the incident by Second Class Surveyor R R Knuckey in September 1869, it was claimed that before he died Bennett said that the men involved were 'Larrakeas and did belong to the Adelaide tribe'. Goyder reported that when returning from surveying work to Port Darwin, some weeks after Bennett's death, Aboriginal people had tried to suffocate his group by lighting fires as they travelled. 151 A series of subsequent events during June and July 1869 saw Aboriginal people prevented from visiting the expedition's camp, and the use of firearms to scare them off. Surveyor Daniel Daly reported that the surveyors prevented potential attacks by 'having their revolvers ready and blazing away at them before they could attack'. The Adelaide Advertiser published an account from a correspondent in Port Darwin who reported that 'Mira' had been asked 'why the Tarakeer blacks (these belonging to Port Darwin) kept away from us for so long?' Mira had replied that 'shortly after Bennett's death some of the party enticed them by offers of food and then shot them. This confirms a rumour current in the camp.' In his progress report of September 1869, Goyder addressed the attack on Bennett and wrote the following: 'Both officers and men were naturally indignant at Bennett's murder, and, had the order been given for retaliation the punishment of the natives would have been a simple matter with a party so armed; but I considered the attack on Bennett and Guy the results of feelings of revenge on the part of those who had probably lost relatives in some previous contest with the whites … . To retaliate, therefore, even could we have identified the murderers, would have been to secure to our successors, less able to defend themselves, a debt of lives to be paid for our act of reprisal, unless we had annihilated the tribe, which was not to be thought of. I had also to bear in mind that we were in what to them appeared unauthorized and unwarrantable occupation of their country, and where territorial rights are so strictly observed by the natives, that even a chief of one tribe will neither hunt upon nor remove anything from the territory of another without first obtaining permission, it is scarcely to be wondered at if, when opportunity is allowed them, they should resent such acts of violence upon its perpetrators.' 152 That Goyder was aware of the existence of distinct Aboriginal territories is obvious from his survey map of the Northern Territory, which marks out four 'native districts': 'Woolner', 'Woolner-Larrakeyah', 'Larrakeyah' and 'Warnunger'. The 'Larrakeyah' district is, significantly, marked out on 'middle point'. The Woolner-Larrakeyah district is marked over the Darwin township area. Another map, accompanying J W O Bennett's 'Vocabulary of the Woolner District Dialect', locates the 'Larrakeyah' district as from 'middle point', south of the Elizabeth River, to the Adelaide River. 153 The Territory in its submissions argued that the historical sources, such as Goyder, Hoare and Bennett, do not specifically refer to the 'Larrakia people'. Rather, any references are to the local 'Aboriginal people'. The expedition's camp was in the vicinity of Port Darwin. It is reasonable to infer that the people referred to in the historical sources were the same people as those who inhabited the claim area at sovereignty. 154 Relations between the Aboriginal people and the white settlers began to improve in 1870. Bartering recommenced and Aboriginal people were increasingly seen moving about the Darwin region. The Aboriginal camp on the tableland above the Port Darwin surveying camp was recognised as a Larrakia camp. 155 Dr Wells also observed in her report that there was an 'increasing alliance between the colonisers and the Larrakia and a recognition by the colonisers of the Larrakia's rights, based on prior occupation, to the Port Darwin area.' She based this conclusion on the aid that the Larrakia people provided to the settlers, and what the settlers did in return. On 9 June 1870, Acting Government Resident J S Millner reported 'several occasions' where the Larrakia people warned the settlers that the Wulnas were planning an attack on the settlement. On one such occasion, 'Larrakeyah blacks came to the fence on table land and called out that the Woolners had attacked them and were also about to attack our camp and requested assistance to drive them off … . Sent out a mounted party … to disperse the Woolners and send them back to their own district, a number of Larrakeyah Blacks accompanied the party'. 156 In July 1870, the then Government Resident, Captain Douglas, decided 'to take the necessary steps to prevent a too near approach of the Woolner blacks to the camp if they manifest hostility to the Larakeeyahs or ourselves … Immediately I can get away I shall visit Escape Cliffs and impress upon the Woolners the necessity for peaceful conduct towards the Larrakeyahs in the vicinity of the settlement as well as to ourselves.' 157 Following another dispute in October 1870, Douglas told the Larrakia people that 'if they dreaded another attack they could send their old men, women and children close to the camp'. He 'expected the fighting men to take care of themselves' and did not 'intend to interfere with their intertribal quarrels unless after absolute defeat the Larakeeyahs being in their own district, claimed my protection, when I should take steps to send the Woolner back from the vicinity of the camp.' 158 The Territory submitted that the aggressions of the Wulnas could well have been an assertion by the Wulna people against the occupation of 'Woolner country' by the surveyors and by the Larrakia people. Given the linguistic and other ethnographic evidence, I accept this contention. 159 The Territory also submitted that the evidence does not demonstrate an alliance between the colonisers and the Larrakia people. Rather, it submitted, the Larrakia people 'simply sought whatever protection might be available to them from a more numerous and warlike enemy'. The historical evidence cited above, however, does point to such an alliance. Reports of an incident which occurred in August 1870 further reinforce this view. The Larrakia people were told that the Howitzer Gun on Fort Hill would be shot at their tableland camp if they did not return some axes which had been stolen. This threat had the effect of inciting the Larrakia people to decamp. Government Resident Douglas reported that this chain of events had caused him 'much annoyance as I was on a fair way towards utilizing the natives, their presence when on friendly terms tending very much to the safety and convenience of the settlement'. 160 Another incident occurred in November 1871 when Government Resident Douglas was informed by the Larrakia people that the Wulna tribe had arrived and was intent on attacking the Larrakia people and the settlement. Douglas and a party of 30 officers and men went to the beach, where he 'called the Larrakeyahs back and told them to separate from the Woolners'. He then 'made a display' of his 'piece … directed the Woolners to return to their own country'. The Northern Territory Times dated 5 May 1877, reported on a 'large invasion of Wagites' to the town area and on a 'tremendous row' which eventuated, constituting a 'hearty welcome' by the 'Larrakeeyahs': 'In fact their demonstrations were so ostentatious that the police had to request them to remove further from the township. We understand that during the various corroborees some of the Larrakeeyas received some ugly blows, which occasioned some ill-feeling between the two friendly tribes, but matters were made up between them, and the Wagites subsequently departed to their own dominions.' 161 Disputes between the Larrakia and the Wulna peoples were further reported in November 1878, January 1879 and January 1880. Correspondence from Protector of Aborigines Morice and Government Resident Price, dated 6 January 1880, recorded that, following a Larrakia-Wulna dispute, Price had ordered Morice to inform the 'Woolners that they must either clear out form the neighbourhood of Palmerston or else cease to attack the Larrakeeyas and behave quietly'. 162 In January 1882 another Larrakia-Wulna dispute occurred and on 4 February 1882 the Northern Territory Times reported that 'the greatest native fight that has taken place in Port Darwin for many years' had occurred, and ended 'in the defeat of the Woolners'. 163 Another 'disagreement' between the 'Larrageeyah, Woolner and Alligator tribes' was reported in May 1887, at the Rapid Creek mission. An Aboriginal man was said to have 'inflamed' other Aborigines at the mission until they 'determined to throw out the Alligators and drive them back by force to their own territory'. The 'Woolnar and Larakyas' joined forces to fight the 'very strong Alligator tribe'. 164 Reports distinguished between the disputes detailed above and 'sham fights' which occurred contemporaneously and which according to Dr Wells entertained both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal spectators. The Northern Territory Times described one of the 'sham fights' in August 1875: 'Notwithstanding that these games are nothing novel in the township, they always seem to draw a number of spectators. The hideous frights they make of themselves, the extraordinary contortions into which they throw their bodies and limbs, the agility with which they evade the missiles, and the instantaneous flashes of anger and vindictiveness displayed when one on either side happens to be struck, all tend to make the exhibition an attravtive one to the whites - that is, so long as they don't get a lick themselves.' 165 A mission, St Joseph's, was established on the banks of Rapid Creek in 1883 by members of the Jesuit order of the Catholic Church. The mission 'scarcely [expected] to do much to reform the habits and customs of the older members of the native parties who visit the station, but [felt] very confident of considerable success with the juvenile members, of whom there are a large number, and they are very bright little youngsters, particularly sharp in picking up any thing.' 166 An annual report was submitted by the head of the mission (first, Father A Strele (Strele), and subsequently, Father D Mackillop (Mackillop)) to the Government Resident, who included the information therein in his own annual report on the Northern Territory. 167 During the first year of the mission's operation, it attracted 30 to 40 Aboriginal people. Strele in his 1883 report does not specify the tribes which constituted this number. In fact, as noted by the Territory, Strele hardly mentioned the Larrakia people in his reports, using instead more generalised terms to refer to Aboriginal people. Despite this, I am of the view that it can be inferred that Larrakia people made up at least some part of the number of Aboriginal people who attended the mission. 168 I draw this inference on numerous bases, including the very short distance between the location of the mission at Rapid Creek and the township where the Larrakia people were camped, and a press report from the Adelaide Advertiser dated December 1884, which described the construction of the mission as having been 'accomplished by the missionaries, assisted by a number of natives chiefly members of the Larakeeya and Woolna tribes.' Moreover, in the Government Resident's 1884 notes on the Rapid Creek mission to the Minister of Education, reference is made to a hymn being in sung in the 'Larrakeeyah dialect'. Further reference to the Larrakia people in subsequent annual reports reinforce this inference that the Larrakia people were among those who attended the mission. 169 Aboriginal people worked at the mission, clearing land, building fences, establishing gardens, digging wells and contructing living and storage areas. They were paid in rations of 'rice or potatoes, tea, sugar and flour besides tobacco'. They also engaged in resource gathering: 'To this allowance given them they frequently add something in the way of game such as kangaroo, bandicoots, birds etc., fish, shells, native fruits are also procurable.' 170 The missionaries supplied the Aborigines with 'hooks and occasionally … guns' for hunting and fishing. It was thought 'better not to endeavour to make them give up all their old customs and manner of life at once.' To this end, in his 1884 annual report, Strele observed that the Aboriginal people 'had to be allowed a few times to spend some days in their own way by going about and visiting their friends at some days' walk distant.' He further noted in his 1886 annual report that 'Every morning and every evening children from six to ten years of age were taught the rudiments. … However, there is some obstacle to their progress in the innate love of their parents to a wandering life. The latter take a ramble now and again into the bush, and as a matter of course take the children with them. The children, however (we have the authority of the parents themselves for it), give them no peace till they return … again. Every year they make an excursion or turn to the Adelaide River.' 171 By 1888, Mackillop and Government Resident Parsons were reporting on the inability of the mission to address the problems facing the Aborigines in the area. Mackillop wrote 'The substance of my report may be put into one short paragraph: Hard and constant toil on the part of our fathers and brothers, both here and on the Daly River. Here at Rapid Creek failure for the present, with very poor hope of future; on the Daly ever-increasing success. The proximity of Palmerston is the main factor in the failure; the complete absence of the white man on the left bank of the Daly River the greatest blessing to our mission. […] For more than four months - from January to May - we had here, at Rapid Creek, from thirty to forty blacks. They received instruction in the fundamental doctrines of Christianity in their own language, the children daily attended school, where they were taught the rudiments of English and to read their own language, and all were fed and clothed while they remained with us. In May came the big fight with the Alligator tribe, and our blacks, fearing reprisals from the Alligators, made off. They have not, as a body, returned. […] Many of them (the men are all Woolnas) are now hanging about Palmerston. … They prefer Palmerston, because most of them are thoroughly corrupted. … Sir, it is hard to struggle against the evil influences of the white man's presence. With the limited means at our disposal, and teaching as we must the restraints of Christianity, the fight is an up-hill one against lust and grog and opium.' 172 Parsons wrote: The Larrakeeyahs, the Port Darwin tribe, appear to be utterly unaffected by the efforts for their evangelization by self-denying fathers and brothers. The missionaries themselves say that this tribe has been too long and too closely associated with the white settlers to give any hope of being affected by Christianizating influence. In fact, it is said on excellent authority that recently a corroboree of the old men, who really hold the position of chiefs, in which the attitude of the Larrakeeyahs to Christianity was discussed. Whatever may have been the aspects in which it was viewed, whether it was too much work and too little tobacco, too much morality and too few shillings, or not, the decision arrived at was - "Religion along Rapid Creek no good." I fear this may be said to apply to nearly all other forms of the faith. For months none of the Larrakeeyahs have gone near the mission station. […] The old men and women will hear of no change which would lessen their authority or take away any of their privileges in the tribe. The young men and women follow in the footsteps of the old, well knowing that in due course they will come into the inheritance, when the choice of the lubras, the delicacies in food, and the traditional exercise of authority will be theirs. The only hope is the withdrawal of the young children; but their parents will not part with them. Meanwhile, the apparently inevitable results of a white race settling down alongside a black race are going on. The blacks learn the vices, and take the diseases of the whites. The natives' passion for liquor is uncontrollable, and their intoxication is a form of madness. Partial and intermitted clothing increase pulmonary complaints; and semi-civilised and barbarous habits produce other diseases. The influences at work are withering away the tribes close by settlements.' 173 Dr Wells concluded from these passages that the Larrakia people rejected attempts by missionaries to substantially alter and control their lifestyles. The Territory submitted that the historical evidence quoted above does not necessarily lead to this conclusion. It was submitted that alternative reasons, apart from the assertion of traditional laws and customs, may have provoked the view that '[r]eligion along Rapid Creek no good'. 174 There is little doubt that the part played by the abuse of opium and alcohol in the failure of the mission at Rapid Creek was not inconsequential. However, there are indications that traditional laws and customs were also being asserted, such as those contained in the second paragraph of Parsons' report, quoted above. The Territory submitted that this paragraph does not make specific reference to the Larrakia people, and in any case, the paragraph 'describes a reluctance on the part of old and young men and women to give up authority and entitlements within the tribe, which is hardly an assertion by the Larrakia of rights in relation to claimed land.' I have already dealt with the inclusion of the Larrakia people amongst those at the mission. In relation to the second issue, the paragraph describes the observance and acknowledgement of traditional laws and customs which is fundamental to the issue of connection. 175 In her report Dr Wells commented on the Larrakia people's 'special status', accorded to them by the European settlers of Darwin. She argued that this status derived from the recognition of the Larrakia people as the prior occupants of the area. 176 Edward Catchlove, an officer who arrived in Darwin in June 1870, walked to the Larrakia camp the day after his arrival, and wrote that 'They are very anxious to know my name, and to make me acquainted with theirs, this tribe they call the Larigeer Tribe, they belong to this place, and are far more civilised than the other tribes.' 177 In the census taken between 1899 and 1910, the Larrakia people (which included the following sub-groups: 'town Larrakia', 'Southport Larrakia' and 'Larrakia half-castes') consistently constituted the majority group in the area. 178 Furthermore, the Larrakia people were involved in the settlement, and their presence at many community events was recorded. For example, Larrakia people were present when the first pole of the northern section of the Overland Telegraph line was planted in September 1870. Three Larrakia men were taken to Adelaide in late 1870 by members of the surveying expedition. Larrakia people also participated in sports and games, including a 'spear-throwing competition', to celebrate Boxing Day in 1873. The sports organised for the Aboriginal people were named after Larrakia generational terms and the names of all the winners of the events were published in the Northern Territory Times. Members of the tribe worked in the township, as recorded by Wildey (1876). 179 Dr Wells used an incident involving the distribution of rations to illustrate her conclusion that the Larrakia people were afforded 'special status' in the Darwin township: 'Even in the attempts of the colonisers to control and determine appropriate Aboriginal behaviour in the town space the Larrakia demanded and received a distinct status. In the 1900 distribution of government rations of blankets, tobacco, flour and tea to Aboriginal people elderly Larrakia people did not receive their share … . The Larrakia sent a deputation to the local newspaper office with this complaint which had the desired affect [sic] of reinstating their status. At the following month's ration distribution it was subsequently reported, "Blankets, flour, tobacco, etc, were distributed with a liberal hand on Saturday last to the several tribes of aborigines camped in the vicinity of Palmerston. As one grinning native remarked - 'My word, that one good feller guv'ment this time. Him give it blanket all about - old man, young man, old lubra, young lubra, all about 'im get 'em … Larrakeyah 'im get 'em four fellow bag flour, Woolna two feller, Waggite two feller, Alligator two feller - tobacco, blanket, plenty!'"' 180 In her oral evidence, Dr Wells said that it was significant that the Larrakia people received more rations than the other tribes. She admitted in cross-examination that the passage quoted did not specify whether each Larrakia person received four bags of flour or whether the Larrakia people as a group received four bags of flour. Mr Hiley QC suggested to Dr Wells that the passage quoted could equally mean that the 'Larrakia people demanded and received rations in circumstances where they obviously deserved them … [and that it had] nothing to do with their status.' Further, Mr Hiley suggested to Dr Wells that the fact that there were more Larrakia people at the provision of the rations (as borne out by the census results) is a logical explanation to why the Larrakia people may have received more rations. 181 Dr Wells also highlighted the fact that the Larrakia people had complained to the press about the ration situation: 'opposed to, say, the Wulna or the Wagait if they'd been in a similar situation, we find that the Larrakia are the ones who actually feel that they can go to the newspaper office and invoke the aid of the press in making sure that their status is felt in the town.' 182 In July 1903, a group of Larrakia people attended the Northern Territory Times office to 'invoke the aid of the press in laying certain grievances before the public' which primarily concerned the lack of response from the Government Resident, Protector of Aborigines or police to complaints about Larrakia women going to live with 'Malays and other coloured nondescripts floating around'. 183 Dr Wells used these two examples to illustrate the Larrakia people using the press to enforce their special status in the township. The Territory in its written submissions argued that the examples do not demonstrate an assertion of any traditional right. I agree with that submission. The Larrakia people used the newspaper to voice their complaints and to seek the assistance of the non-Aboriginal law, rather than to enforce their status in the township. 184 In 1883 the District Council appealed to Protector of Aborigines Morice to move the 'natives' from their Lameroo beach campsite. Morice's response, published in the Northern Territory Times dated 15 December 1883 was as follows: '[i]n reply I beg to state that, as for several reasons there is no other camping ground so suitable for the aborigines as the Lammeroo Beach; they shall continue to occupy that position as long as I have any control over the matter; the intentions of the Palmerston District Council notwithstanding. I have also the honor to call the attention of the District Council to the fact that the camp at the Lammeroo beach is not on Park Lands, but on foreshore, which is reserved by the Government. In conclusion I have the honor most respectfully to suggest to the Palmerston District Council that, in my humble opinion, it would be much better if they were to exercise their power in protecting the Park Lands … than in making ridiculous pretensions to Government Reserves, and trying to hound the unfortunate natives from the only place where they can get water and beach their canoes.' 185 A further incident occurred in 1909, when the District Council requested the Government Resident to 'clear out the native Larrakeyahs from their ancient tribal camping place at Lameroo Beach in order that this might be converted into a cool retreat and place of recreation for sun-baked residents - particularly the ladies and children.' Government Resident Herbert replied that 'no sufficient reason had been advanced for acting upon this suggestion at the present time. The Larrakeyahs stood upon a different ground from the other strange tribes camped in the neighbourhood of Palmerston. The Lameroo Beach had been their traditional camping ground ever since the whites first came here, and probably for long prior to that date, and to summarily eject them now - without good and sufficient reason or some satisfactory compensation - would be an arbitrary and unjust action.' 186 In relation to Morice's response in 1883, the Territory disputed that any weight should be placed on the evidence on the grounds that the Larrakia people were not specifically mentioned, and that Morice merely outlined practical reasons for which the camp at Lameroo Beach ought not be removed. Concerning the first basis, I refer to correspondence from Protector of Aborigines Wood written on 6 August 1885, which recorded that the Larrakia people in Darwin lived on Lameroo Beach. It is not significant that general terms were used in describing the inhabitants of Lameroo Beach. The second basis forwarded by the Territory likewise is unconvincing. The tone of Morice's letter, including phrases such as 'they shall continue to occupy that position as long as I have any control over the matter', indicated that Morice considered that the Aboriginal people camped at Lameroo Beach may have been entitled to do so. 187 Herbert's response to a similar request to remove the inhabitants of Lameroo Beach in 1909 specifically referred to the Larrakia people. The Territory submitted that the historical evidence 'compels the conclusion that, in the absence of "trouble" or the threat of disease or public nuisance, all Aboriginal people were tolerated about the township, until the impact of the degradations of non-Aboriginal society upon all Aboriginal people was so pronounced that the authorities saw fit to enact the Aborigines Act 1910, which applied to all Aboriginal people, including Larrakia. Putting it at its highest, the historical record indicates that it was accepted by some of the colonisers that the Larrakia, whose lands were now subsumed by the town of Darwin, had nowhere else to go.' 188 That there was an element of tolerance of all the Aboriginal people in the township, which dissipated due to public 'nuisance' and the spread of disesase, is undeniable. However, historical sources demonstrate that on at least two occasions, requests to remove the Larrakia people from their camp at Lameroo beach were refused. On the latter occasion, in 1909, Government Resident Herbert specifically noted that the Larrakia people 'stood upon a different ground from the other strange tribes camped in the neighbourhood of Palmerston', that Lameroo beach had been their 'traditional' camp site and that to force their eviction from the site would be 'unjust'. 189 As the Darwin township developed, greater control over Aboriginal behaviour and even presence in the town area was sought. A notice published in the 'Northern Territory Times' on 25 October 1876 by Government Resident Price said that, owing to a recent spate of thefts, 'instructions have been issued to the Police for the future idle Aboriginals will not be permitted to wander about the Town, either during the day or night. Those only who are regularly employed by the Residents can remain during the daytime, but they must leave the Town at sunset'. 190 In 1877 the Aboriginal people were ordered to hold their corroborees further away from the township, and after a settler's horse was speared, a threat was made to the Larrakia people that they would all be driven from the township if they did not surrender the culprit. 191 By 1900, tension over the increasing number of Aboriginal people living in the town area had mounted, resulting in the police forcibly removing Aboriginal people from the area and destroying their camps. Foelsche outlined the situation in correspondence dated 4 July 1901. It is useful to quote this document at length: 'During the last few months in the old year a number of natives belonging to the "Mimigie", "Woolnah" and "Alligator river" tribes , to the east of, and some of the "Cheerite" & "Mallac-Mallac" tribes to the west of Port Darwin, congregated in and near the town. The greater number of them being from the Alligator river country. So long as they behaved they were not interfered with, but as is usually the case when different tribes meet, it ends in fights and quarrels as it did in this instance and towards the end of November troubles commenced, and what the natives call play resulted in several of them getting wounded. The police endeavoured to stop their doings, but matters got worse instead of better, as will be seen by the following extract from a letter dated 8th Dec which I received from Mr McKay an officer in the Cable Company. "I regret having to appeal to you for protection against the continuous danger that exists in driving along the main streets within the town boundaries, three times myself during the last 7 days, while returning from a drive with my wife and child I have had to stop at the end of Cavanagh Street and drive through the bush to avoid being hit by flying spears. On the last occasion Friday 7th … before I could turn my horse, two spears came right over our heads and landed 10 or 15 yards on the other side, had either of them struck my wife, child or myself, the result must have been very serious if not fatal." I also beg to call attention to a leading article in the N.T. Times of 14th Dec last which will give an idea of the general feeling of the residents of Palmerston as to the nuisance of the congregating of the outside tribes in and near the town. The police for weeks did their best to persuade the visiting natives to go to their own country, but all to no effect and no other [option] was left but to adopt more stringent measures to compel them to shift away from the town. On the 29th Dec all but the local "Larrakeah" tribe were notified that, if they did not clear out by the 31st their camps would be destroyed. They all promised to do so, but failed to keep their promise and their camps were destroyed by being pulled down, only 3 or 4 wurlies were burnt, but no blankets or clothes … . All the camps destroyed … were in and near the settled portion of the town, and no natives of any tribe employed by Europeans have been told to go away. […] In sending the outside natives away no hardship is inflicted on them but on the contrary it is to their best interest if they could only comprehend it, as an abundance of native food of all description is easily obtainable in their own tribal country, whereas here they are principally dependent on what they can beg and steal or obtain by prostitution and their dirty habits and filthy camps with a lot of mangy dogs in the town is a positive public nuisance, and the well known fact of leprosy existing among the natives in the neighbourhood of the Alligator river makes their presence here very undesirable if not dangerous to the inhabitants of Palmerston and no other means than those adopted would have made them leave the town … . I must also mention that, the natural consequences of such a large number of natives camping in and near the town is, the ever increasing habit of opium smoking among them … they will do anything to obtain it and thus greatly increase offences … and create a lot of extra work to the police. The number of natives not belonging to the local tribe were estimated at over 200 all told, and more than half of them were from the Alligator river country.' 192 Dr Wells argued that the fact that Larrakia people were not forced to leave the town area indicated that they were accorded 'special status' because of their 'prior occupancy': '"Visiting" Aboriginal people could be "removed" because they were able to return to their own country but a different issue was presented by the Larrakia who were recognised to already be in their own country'. 193 In light of the above historical source evidence, I conclude that the Larrakia people did have a special status in the Darwin township, as a result of their recognised position as the traditional inhabitants of the region.

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(v) Location and Population of the Larrakia Tribe 194 Early ethnographic accounts situate Darwin within Larrakia territory. Basedow (1907) wrote that the Larrakia tribe was the 'best known, on account of Port Darwin being included within their domain'. He further recorded that the Larrakia tribe occupied 'a territory extending southwards between the Howard River on the east and the Finniss on the west, a subdivision or clan, the Marri, having a local distribution near the mouth of the Blackmore River and forming the southern boundary at about twenty-five miles inland. The Larrekiya further separate themselves into coastal and inland groups, the former being called the Binnimiginda, the latter the Gunmajerrumba.' 195 Wildey in 1875 wrote that Larrakia territory was 'located about Palmerston and Southport, as far as the Adelaide [River] and Escape Cliff eastward'. Foelsche (1886) wrote that Larrakia country extended 'along the coast from the mouth of the Adelaide River, west to Port Patterson' and stretching about 25 miles inland, amounting to 'my informant estimates at 1,024,000 acres'. On a map included in his article, Parkhouse (1895) marked out the Post Darwin and East Arms regions as 'Larrakiha' country. Parkhouse described Larrakia land as 'subdivided among the several families, with territorial rights, and the ownership is a real one.' He further said that the Lameroo beach camp 'as it has been for generations, is the camp of the family in whom that part is vested, among them being also descendents of black trackers introduced by the police from the McArthur or other districts [as well as Larrakia people].' Spencer (1912), inf, said: 'At Darwin for years past there have been two main Larrakia camps close to the town, one on the top of the cliffs, known as Gwi-ambirra, and the other almost immediately below this, on what is known as Lamouroux Beach, called Nim-birra. It is quite possible that this may be associated with an original division of the tribe into two moieties, one of which … always prefers high ground and the other … prefers lower ground. In spots such as these two camps near Darwin the mia mias may have been somewhat more strongly constructed, and hence more permanent than on other camping grounds only visited at different times, perhaps at some special part of the year when a particular food supply was plentiful. The Lamouroux Beach camp is particularly well situated on a somewhat sheltered cove, with a beautiful spring of clear fresh water bubbling up into small rocky pools immediately at the cliff foot, overhung by dense foliage. The spring is called Korowa demara.' 196 In 1875 Wildey recorded that there were approximately 300 members of the Larrakia tribe. Morice in 1882 said that the Larrakia people had diminished in number since colonisation. In contrast, Foelsche (1886) recorded that there were approximately 500 members of the Larrakia tribe and that this number had not 'decreased' since the 'advent of our country men'.

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Cultural Practices of the Larrakia People during the early European Settlement Period 197 Ethnographic and historical sources record the cultural practices of the Larrakia people in the period of early European settlement in the area. Two authors of such sources were Herbert Basedow and William Baldwin Spencer. 198 Herbert Basedow was the Chief Protector of Aborigines and was located in Darwin in 1911. His appointment as Chief Protector lasted for only one month. Previously, he had published 'Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia' (1907) (Basedow (1907)). These Notes were based on information he gathered whilst acting as Assistant to the Government Geologist on geological expeditions in 1905. Both Dr Wells and Mr Graham considered Basedow to be an authoritative source in relation to the cultural practices of the Larrakia people during the beginning of the 20th century. 199 William Baldwin Spencer, an anthropologist, was the Chief Protector of Aborigines, appointed in 1911, following Basedow's resignation. He had visited the Northern Territory on several occasions, and after arriving in January 1912, was present in Darwin for approximately 10 months. Mr Graham, in his report, described Spencer as 'Australia's foremost authority on Aboriginal matters' of the time and in his oral evidence said that Spencer was 'a major scholar' and a 'famous anthropologist'. It was Spencer who made the decision to move the Aboriginal people in the Darwin township to the Kahlin Compound. 200 Dr Wells dismissed the 'negative' and pessimistic aspects of the source material written by Spencer. Spencer had spent time in remote areas of the Northern Territory and Central Australia, before arriving in Darwin. Dr Wells considered that Spencer had a preconceived notion that 'town Aboriginal people were corrupted versions of Aboriginal people from more remote [areas]'. Spencer was occupied with his work as the Chief Protector of Aborigines and could not have focussed on the Larrakia tribe. Furthermore, he was unable to walk and confined to Darwin for nearly two months as a result of an 'unfortunate accident'. In contrast, according to Dr Wells, Basedow 'sat down and worked extensively with the Larrakia' people and therefore recorded a lot of information directly from them. In cross-examination, Dr Wells said that Basedow had been able to gain a lot of knowledge from a Larrakia man who was employed on the vessel on which Basedow toured the coastline in 1905. 201 Spencer did record both in a 1912 article (Spencer 1912) and in his reports as Chief Protector many negative reports concerning the state of the Larrakia people's traditional culture and customs. He also recorded details that indicate that Larrakia culture had not ceased to exist altogether. Dr Wells agreed that by the start of the First World War, there was a decline in the historical material concerning Larrakia cultural practices, and that a number of people had made the assertion that Larrakia cultural practices had in fact declined. 202 It is not at this point necessary to decide between the apparently conflicting views of Basedow and Spencer. Their material is part of the evidence more particularly relevant to the findings to be made concerning the existence and continuance of Larrakia society during the 20th Century. There is extensive other evidence directed to the cultural practices of the Larrakia people up to about the end of the 19th Century. 203 Different tribes existed, each with its own 'recognised land boundary': Foelsche (1885), Parkhouse (1895), Basedow (1907). Each tribe was subdivided into families, although it was not clear whether each family had its own name: Parkhouse (1894-1895). 204 The elders of the tribes were the decision-makers and their decisions were generally carried out: Foelsche (1881). Spencer (1912) recorded that the head man of the Larrakia tribe was called 'Bletta dunkal'. Foelsche and Parkhouse recorded laws governing marriage observed by the Larrakia people, including a prohibition against marriage between related members of the tribe. Basedow (1907) described various kinship terms. Parents arranged marriages during their children's infancies: Wildey (1876), Parkhouse (1895); Foelsche (1885). Widows could become the property of their husband's brother (Foelsche (1881)) or were kept by their own families depending on the circumstances (Parkhouse (1895)). Polygyny was practised: Foelsche (1885). Parkhouse (1894-1895) recorded the difficulty of obtaining information about such matters. 205 Historical and ethnographic sources record the use and collection of resources by the Larrakia people. D E Kelsey, in 'The Shackle. A Story of the Far North Australian Bush' (1975) wrote that when he arrived in Darwin at a young age in 1873, he would run about with the 'black boys' coming home 'laden with wild fruits and small game that they and their dogs had run down to earth.' Aboriginal people in Darwin were reported to eat the root of a long black creeper, and were seen tapping tree trunks in the Casuarina jungle for honey. Harry Stockdale, who spent time in Darwin in the 1880s used the services of Tom Cherry, a Larrakia man, to assist him to catch a crocodile for an Adelaide aquarium. Stockdale said that Tom Cherry was 'adept at capturing crocodiles'. 206 In a report on kapok, it was said that the Larrakia called it 'balita'. Further, in March 1887 an Aboriginal man assisted in locating a mineral vein that had 'been known to natives for many years past under the Larrakeeah name of Tappilanda.' Dr Wells reported that in 1935 reference was made by the Inspector of Agriculture to the Larrakia people's annual hunting technique of lighting fires to assist in yam collection. 207 Foelsche in his publications in 1881 and 1885 and Wildey (1876) referred to the methods by which the Larrakia people obtained food such as geese. Wildey (1876) summarised that the Larrakia people 'eat roots, grubs and worms, the larvae of ants, land crabs, found in the waterholes, and fish; and they are partial to snakes, lizards, and iguanas. They readily raise fire by turning rapidly round between the palms of the two hands a stick sharpened to a point into a flat piece of hard wood, around which are dried leaves, which the sparks, caused by the friction of the wood, quickly ignite. We have also seen them go into the harbour and throw spears at fish; and at night, with a fire stick, they will walk into the water to allure them by the light, then waddy them and so catch them.' 208 Likewise, S W Herbert in his 'Reminiscences of Life in the Northern Territory during the construction of the Overland Telegraph Line' (1873) (Herbert (1873)) said that '[t]he natives all along the coast had a fine assortment of food to choose from, such as fish, lizards, young alligators, wild fowl, birds, snakes, frogs, grubs, land slugs, kangaroos, turtles, yams, the flowers … and stem of the water lily and various wild fruits. In Basedow (1907) described the coastal tribes' techniques in hunting kangaroo, bats, emus and other birds, dugongs, crocodiles, turtles, as well as fishing using rock barriers and the collection of honey. He also recounted 'folklore of the Larrekiyas' concerning the fresh water and salt water turtles, a story (not specially attributed to the Larrakia people) about how a man was transformed into a dugong and said that the use of traditional fish hooks was 'becoming more or less obsolete from the use of metal hooks obtained by barter'. 209 Foelsche (1881), (1885) noted that turtle, geese and crocodile eggs were highly valued as culinary delicacies. Methods of preparation of food included cooking on hot coals. Weapons such as long spears, some with two or three prongs for spearing fish, light reed spears and woomeras were used to hunt and gather food: Parkhouse (1895). Basedow (1907) described the methods used to hunt and prepare a dugong by the coastal tribes. 210 Foelsche (1885) also listed the natural remedies used by the Larrakia people to treat various ailments: 'Boils are treated with poultices made with hot water and leaves of certain trees. Coughs and colds are common among the natives: for these complaints they eat grubs found in mangrove trees. For diarrhoea they eat a very soft kind of rock of a chalky appearance. … Gatherings in the ears are treated with the juice of the fruit of the red Eugenia by squeezing it into the ear after the fruit is roasted. Neuralgia is treated by applying poultices of the same fruit roasted.' 211 He recorded that cut wounds and old sores are treated 'with a resinous substance of a blood-red appearance, called by the Port Darwin natives "gnewáylah", … obtained from a Eucalyptus tree' and '[f]resh wounds are also treated with the scraped bark of a bush called by the Port Darwin natives 'malimgarrácah …''. Basedow (1907) recorded the existence of a medicine man, without attributing this directly to the Larrakia tribe. 212 Historical and ethnographic sources also recorded information about the ceremonial and spiritual aspects of Larrakia life. Basedow (1907) records a legend of the Larrakia tribe, concerning a baby boy who 'rose suddenly from the ground out of the burrow of a bandicoot'. Traditional punishment was chronicled in the Northern Territory Times on 1 December 1888, when an account of a coronial inquest into the death of an Aboriginal woman was published. Four Aboriginal men from the camp on Lameroo beach 'clothed themselves in a fighting suit of yellow paint, which signifies war' and proceeded to another camp to take part in what was, Dr Wells said, 'an attempted revenge killing against [the camp] for one of their own … who had recently died.' In the Adelaide Advertiser in 1922, it was reported that 'Frank, the son of the late King Solomon, of the Larrykeyah tribe … was arrested yesterday morning on a charge of having speared his young lubra … at the compound on Friday evening. The cause, it is alleged, was some infringement of the unwritten tribal laws.' 213 Foelsche (1881), (1886), Wildey (1876) and Parkhouse (1895) all referred to the Larrakia practice of piercing the septum and inducing scarring, for cosmetic purposes. Basedow (1907) said that 'low cicatrices' were favoured by the Larrakia people and Spencer (1912) said that 'in all tribes cicatrices are made on the bodies of both men and women, with the resultant formation of keloid tissue projecting in rib-like structures, the surface of which is smooth and polished.' 214 Morice in his 1882 report described the appearance of Larrakia people: 'They pierce the septum of the nose and ware [sic] a bit of bamboo through it, but although [sic] all have the septum pierced yet only some of them ware the bamboo through it. Their bodies are disfigured with scars on which the flesh has been made to rise in ridges sometimes more than a quarter of an inch in height; these are extended over the arms, breast, back, abdomen and legs, but are never on the face. They use paint, white, red and yellow very freely … [and] ornament their heads with kangaroo teeth, cockatoo feathers, part of wild dogs tails, and artificial hair which they fasten on to their own with gum. Round their necks they ware necklaces formed [of] short bits of grass threaded on string, and also of black and red seeds. … They have bracelets round the arm made of plaited grass worn very tight.' 215 Harry Stockdale described 'a fine young Larrakia native in full corroboree war paint, on his forehead is a circlet of kangaroo teeth; his head bound in coils of native hair twine heavily coated with pipe clay and on the top is a little plume of hair like feathers from the Emu. In his nose he wears a piece of smooth bamboo or reed; and round his neck the loqual [sic] or reed necklet. The white bands on chest and neck are made with pipe clay.' 216 Foelsche (1881), Wildey (1876), Basedow (1907) and Spencer (1912) also recorded a 'well-known' custom among certain tribes, including the Larrakia people, of removing the first two joints of the right index finger of certain young females. This was believed to be a sign that the woman would find abundant food for her husband and the tribe. 217 Sources record different types of funereal rites and rules depending upon the age of the deceased person. Children under the age of two years old were sometimes eaten: Wildey (1876); Foelsche (1881). Children older than two years, but younger than ten years of age, were buried in shallow graves: Foelsche (1881). Spencer (1912) reported that after the death of a child 'the mother carries the bones about for a for a long time, and then places them in a cave or in a hollow bough of a tree … Later on the bones are buried in the ground'. Young adults were covered in bark and placed in trees until only their bones remained, which were then gathered up and buried: Foelsche (1881) and Wildey (1876). This practice was also described in an account of an expedition 'From Port Darwin to Escape Cliffs', published in 1874 in the Northern Territory Times. Spencer (1912) and Basedow (1907) recorded a 'general custom' amongst tribes of constructing 'a platform of boughs and bark in the forks of trees, upon which the body was left until the soft parts had been removed by birds of prey.' Basedow (1907) said that this custom had been followed 'in former days' and was 'only retained by furthest-out tribes'. Spencer (1912) said that the bones were buried and stones were placed around the edge of the grave. According to Foelsche (1881), elderly people were buried in shallow graves. After two months the grave was opened and the bones were gathered. 'If the flesh is not off the bones when the grave is opened it is filled up again, and the remains are left undisturbed. The day after the bones are gathered together and put in a tree they are taken into camp, and a corrobborie follows. The following night the corrobborie is kept up till next morning, and the bones are buried in a small hole about two feet deep.' 218 Upon the death of a member of the group, the Larrakia people would grieve, 'demonstrated by wailing and lamentation; at the same time they cut themselves with any kind of sharp instrument over the head, arms and body until large clots of blood cover the wounds': (Foelsche (1881)). The South Australia Register reported on 7 August 1875 that, upon the death of a Larrakia man, '[g]rief was displayed by the women in howling and beating their heads and backs and the ground with heavy sticks and some of the men by grotesque actions in running, walking and brandishing their spears.' A similar incident was recorded in the Northern Territory Times on 29 September 1888. On 22 October 1909, the Northern Territory Times reported that a 'grand aboriginal ceremonial took place', which was inaugurated in honour of two lately deceased Aboriginal people. The article reported that at this 'Paint Corroboree', 'the natives appear to have endeavoured to imitate some of the features of the Chinese New Year celebrations. … there was a quite gorgeous display of fluttering bunting of sorts principally old colored rags furbished up for the occasion. The braves and their better halves were figged out in full dress regalia of paint, feathers, necklets of kangaroo teeth, etc'. On 10 December 1909, the Northern Territory Times reported on the death of an Aboriginal king 'following which 'there was a sound of weird wailing betokening grief for the death of the Larrakeyah potentate and the carrying out of certain funereal ceremonies in accord with native tribal customs. On Tuesday morning a fleet of five or six native canoes departed for the opposite side of the harbor, carrying corpse and mourners, and the dead king was duly interred in the Larrakeyah tribe's private cemetery …'. 219 In 1904, the Northern Territory Times reported on the death of a 'Larrakeyah native' at the hospital, who was 'subsequently taken away and buried by his fellow tribesmen.' Comparable occurrences were reported in that newspaper in 1911 and 1913. There was no description of any specific method of burial in any of these three sources. Parkhouse (1895) referred to a 'Larrakia burying place' near the Port Darwin cemetery and the Botanic Gardens. Parkhouse (1895), Foelsche (1885) and Stokes (1846) refer to the practice of not speaking the deceased's name aloud, which is a tradition followed by many Aboriginal tribes. Basedow (1907) recorded that '[e]very native believes in his re-incarnation after death in the form of some living being which is always held in respect by him. This belief, however, did not appear to be general amongst the Larrekiyas that were questioned.' 220 Historical and ethnographic sources such as Foelsche (1881), Daly (1887), Parkhouse (1895) and Basedow (1907) also recorded information about 'corroborees' held by the Larrakia people. Foelsche (1881) recorded that corroborees were 'performed on various occasions, such as when different tribes visit each other, when members of the tribe die, when returning from a friendly visit to another tribe, when they feel inclined to be jolly, when preparing for fighting with another tribe, when portion of a tribe are about to start on some expedition and when they return, and on many other occasions either of friendly or hostile nature. Sometimes these corroborees last all night, and on mostly all occasions the men paint themselves. At corroborees in honour of the dead, men and women paint themselves in red, white and yellow; on all other occasions any colour they fancy, which sometimes takes hours to put on, and covers the whole body… Corroborees of a war-like nature are generally held before sundown; for the dead, before and after sundown; and on all other occasions after sundown, whether moonlight or dark.' 221 Daly (1887) also recorded details of the corroborees that she had witnessed whilst in Port Darwin, which, she said: 'always take place at night. A number of fires are lit in the centre of the camp. The men strip, and ornament their bodies with streaks of white chalk, yellow clay, and red ochre. On their heads they wear crowns of feathers … They have spears in their hands, and dance backwards and forwards, sometimes in a line, or in figures partaking of the character of a set of lancers, or some well thought-out country dance - advancing and retiring in step - keeping time to a slow monotonous "yah! yah! yah!" kind of chant sung by the women, who beat their waddies on a piece of stick all the time.' 222 To celebrate the arrival of the Governor of South Australia in Darwin, a corroboree was held. The Adelaide Advertiser reported 'Members of the two native tribes of the vicinity - the Larrakiahs and the Woolnahs - took part, performing in two opposing factions, each contingent being dressed, or rather undressed, for the occasion, and appropriately decorated with ochre and other fantastic ornaments of fur or feather. … [T]heir strange antics and manoeuvres, monotonous only to the uninitiated, were carried out with great spirit.' 223 Ceremonies which young males had to undertake before being 'admitted into manhood' were also recorded in the Darwin region by Foelsche (1881), (1886), Parkhouse (1895) and Wildey (1876). Herbert (1873) wrote that '[t]he aboriginals in this part of the Territory belonged to a tribe called Larakeeah. … The boys, when old enough, retire into the bush for several weeks to be made men a trying and by no means a painless experience.' The Northern Territory Times reported on 28 May 1881 that the Aboriginal people had been 'very busy of late in the performance of the ceremony of "making young men."' Parkhouse (1895) said that: 'The boys attaining to the age of puberty are seized at dusk by men who have been watching their opportunity, and borne away into the bush. After the news has been spread a corrobborie is held, and they are then removed to a place on the Adelaide River and taken in charge by those whose duty it is to train the youngsters in the arts and lore of their forbears. … As a fact, besides one lad who has so far eluded capture, and a few living on the premises of their masters, no boys between fourteen and nineteen are seen at Port Darwin.' 224 Parkhouse also related an event where, to perform a circumcision rite, 'the Wulnar headman travelled with some 200 Larrakia men, women and children 125 miles to Burrundi … .' Dr Wells noted that the Larrakia people 'participated in neighbouring group's ceremonies.' Basedow (1907) described both the 'First Initiation Ceremony of the Larrekiya Youth - The Böllier' and the 'Second Initiation Ceremony of the Larrekiya Youth - The Mollinya', and stated that certain food restrictions were observed during the period between these ceremonies. Spencer (1912) described the 'Belier' ceremony, held once a year to initiate certain young men in the tribe, and the 'Mullinu Ceremony', held 'after a man's first child has been born'. He also described 'sacred sticks', used in the Larrakia initiation ceremony, called 'Bidu-Bidu'. 225 Basedow (1907) also described the initiation ceremony carried out for Larrakia women, which included the 'washing of the girl in the sea' and the 'smoking' of the girl. There was a further 'secret corrobboree [sic] of initiation, about which very little is known, [and which] takes place several years later'. 226 Wildey (1876) and Parkhouse (1895) reported that circumcision was no longer practiced. Basedow (1907) said 'The Larrekiya does not circumcise, though they say that in early days the rite was practised until, at one ceremony, a subject died from the effects. Their belief is, now, that if anyone of the Larrekiya were to be circumcised he would die.' Spencer (1912) said that circumcision was not practiced by the Larrakia people, and that 'it is difficult to say whether the Larrakia have lost the rite or have never performed it.' 227 Larrakia artwork was included in the Northern Territory section of the Centennial International Exhibition in Melbourne in 1888. Two of a number of drawings displayed were inscribed to have been by 'Billy Muck/Native name Gapal', who was 'attached to the police station as an erstwhile interpreter for cases involving Larakia people.' 228 Information about spirits and dreamings has been recorded. Wildey (1876), Foelsche (1881) and (1885) and Parkhouse (1895) all recount stories about an 'evil spirit', which went by various names including 'browl', 'birauel', 'dubbo-dubbo' and 'devil-devil', which lived in the bush and which was feared by Aboriginal people in the area. Basedow (1907) described the Larrakia people's superstitious beliefs in a monster called 'Birrawulidda'. Parkhouse (1895) witnessed a marriage ceremony in which a post painted with red ochre was said to represent the birauel. Other stories recorded by Foelsche include the origin of the Larrakia tribe and the origin of 'natives in the neighbourhood'. 229 Spencer (1912) reported '[t]he totemic system of the Larrakia Tribe is, like everything else, in a more or less decadent state, at least amongst the natives in the vicinity of settlements. … Every individual belongs to a totemic group, and the children take the totemic name of the father. A man of one totem cannot marry a woman of the same totem.' Parkhouse (1895) recorded that 'totemism is denied'. He recounted an incident in which his domestic servant pointed to a green frog, 'alleging, "That one my father". … Some months after, he pointed out a pigeon to me: "See that fellow? him my father"; and, upon my recalling the incident of the frog to his mind, he replied, "That all right; him my father, this one another father."'

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Conclusions 230 It is appropriate at this point to address the question whether, at sovereignty, there existed a society of Aboriginal persons having traditional laws and customs under a normative system under which those laws and customs gave rise to rights and interests in the land and waters comprising the claim area possessed by members of that society. It is also appropriate to identify whether at the time of settlement there existed such a society of Aboriginal persons. And finally, it is appropriate to determine whether such society as may be found to have existed at the time of settlement (in say the mid 1870s) is the Larrakia people, and is the same society as that found to exist at the time of sovereignty. Each of those questions is necessary to be answered affirmatively if the claims of either the first applicants or of the second applicants are to succeed: see the discussion above, and in particular Yorta Yorta at [46], [47], [79] and [86]. 231 The affirmative determination of those questions at this point of my reasons which I am about to record is not intended to say anything on the subsequent issues which also must be affirmatively answered if the first applicants or the second applicants are to be determined to be entitled to native title in respect of the claim area or parts of it. 232 As I indicated, I am satisfied about each of those matters. I find that within the geographical area which includes the claim area, at sovereignty, there existed an Aboriginal society which, by its traditional laws and customs, had a normative system which gave rise to rights and obligations on the part of its members in relation to the land and waters within that area. The archaeological evidence points to there having been some form of society at that time, albeit directly demonstrating only an 'economic' society. From the time of the first observations of the area by European observers, their observations are in general terms consistent with there being then, and there having been, such a society. Again, the observations are only a course indication of such a society. 233 From the time of European settlement of the Darwin area, as one would expect, the range of available material is much more extensive. That material, covering a period of three decades or so, reveals then the existence of a society of Larrakia peoples who had a close attachment to the land and waters in the area, including in the claim area. The basis of that finding is evident enough from the foregoing. I also conclude again on the basis of the findings I have made above, that the Larrakia peoples had a normative system by reason of their traditional laws and customs which created rights and obligations possessed by them in relation to the land and waters of the claim area. In particular, the Larrakia people identified themselves as a society in that way; they spoke the Larrakia language, and they had a complex and sophisticated set of laws and customs. Those laws and customs included rules governing their internal societal relationships, the way they dealt with the land and waters and the collection and use of its resources, and the ceremonial and spiritual aspects of their relationships with the land and waters of the claim area referred to. 234 It was the Territory's contention that the Aboriginal people present in the Darwin region in 1825 were not the same group of people attested to as 'Larrakia' in sources dating from 1869. The Territory in its written submissions suggested that the Larrakia people present in the late 1800's, at the time of the earliest historical and ethnographic sources, were relative newcomers to the area. It relied on historical and ethnographic observations of the use of pearl shell hooks for fishing and of canoes to hunt dugongs and sea turtles: Daly (1887); Parkhouse (1895). These observations were not confirmed by the archaeological record. Further, the Territory draws support from the evidence of epidemics, in particular, smallpox, which led to a decrease in the Aboriginal population in the Darwin region shortly before European settlement in 1869: Foelsche (1881). In 1839 Stokes observed that Aboriginal people in Port Darwin were suffering from a type of 'influenza … all having the remnants of colds, coughing severely'. 235 I do not accept that contention. I have referred above to the absence of archaeological evidence of capture and consumption of dugong and marine turtle. That indicated the practice is relatively recent, but did not exclude it from being a pre-sovereignty practice. The points the Territory makes must also be seen in the light of other evidence. 236 On the basis of Dr Black's views, which I accept, I find that the Larrakia language has a common ancestry with the Wulna language, extending back over many generations. That finding, together with the absence of any evidence to suggest that any other language group existed within the claim area and the wider Darwin area at the time of sovereignty, leads me to the view that, at sovereignty, the Aboriginal society which then existed was in general terms the same as the society which existed at the time of European settlement of the general area. That is, the society which the archaeological evidence indicated was in existence in the lengthy period leading up to sovereignty (although as noted it did not itself lead to identification of the nature of that society other than in economic terms) was the Larrakia people. 237 The longstanding existence of the Larrakia language in the area tends to negate the suggestion that the Larrakia people were recent arrivals (i.e. mid to late 19th Century arrivals) in the Darwin area after some other society had been dominant in that area. There is no other real evidence to suggest that at 1825 some other society was the dominant society in the Darwin region and had then been displaced by the Larrakia people, or replaced by the Larrakia people after that original society had been very substantially reduced by disease. The existence of the observed disease or diseases does not itself lead to that conclusion, especially as the source of the putative epidemics was suggested as Macassen or other traders from the north who in any event were likely to have exposed all coastal Aboriginal groups with whom they traded or had dealings in the same way. 238 Consequently, I also conclude that the society which occupied the claim area at sovereignty was the same society, with the same traditional laws and customs (whether adapted by economic or environmental factors or not) as I have found to have been the occupants of the Darwin region including the claim area in the latter decades of the 19th Century. 239 It is the events of the 20th Century upon which the respondents then relied to challenge the applicants claims that: (a) they continue to have and practise the same traditional laws and customs as the Larrakia people did at sovereignty, and from around the turn of that century; and (b) they and their forbears have continued to do so substantially uninterrupted during the 20th Century and to the present time, so that any alterations in their traditional laws and customs are merely adaptations from the changes generally in society.

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The Aborigines Act 1910 241 It is useful to outline some of the central provisions of the Aborigines Act. The Aborigines Act established the 'Aboriginal Department', 'charged with the duty of controlling and promoting the welfare of the aboriginals': s 4. The position of 'Chief Protector of Aboriginals for the Northern Territory' was created: s 7(1). The Chief Protector was the 'legal guardian of every aboriginal and every half-caste child, notwithstanding that any such child has a parent or other relative living': s 9(1). 242 Pursuant to s 16(1) of the Aborigines Act, the Chief Protector could: 'cause any aboriginal or half-caste to be kept within the boundaries of any reserve or aboriginal institution, or to be removed to and kept within the boundaries of any reserve or aboriginal institution, or to be removed from one reserve or aboriginal institution to another reserve or aboriginal institution, and to be kept therein'. 243 If a person refused or resisted removal to, or escaped any reserve or institution, that person was guilty of an offence: s 16(2). Visitors to the reserves and institutions were restricted under the Aborigines Act: ss 18, 42(1). 244 The Chief Protector was also empowered to order and cause the removal of any camps near 'any municipality, town, township, public-house, or wine and spirit store': s 43(1). Police officers were authorised to order any 'aboriginal or half-caste "loitering"' to leave the area: s 44(1). Any person who refused to obey such orders was guilty of an offence: s 43(2) and s 44(2) respectively. Further, the Governor, by proclamation, could declare any place to be an 'area in which it shall not be lawful for aboriginals or half-castes, not in lawful employment, to be or remain', 'whenever in the interest of the aboriginals he thinks fit': s 45(1). 245 The first Chief Protector appointed was Dr Herbert Basedow, who lasted less than a year in the position. In that time, however, Basedow ordered his staff of Medical Officers and Inspectors to investigate the conditions of Aboriginal people in and around Darwin. A report delivered to Basedow dated 27 July 1911 by Medical Inspectors Burston and Holmes recorded that eight camps had been visited and that the 'Larrekiya' tribe was 'by far the most numerous but several other tribes … [were also] represented'. The 'Larrekiyas' were resident chiefly of two camps situated a quarter of a mile to the west of the town, 'one being on a cliff and the other on the beach below'. Burston and Holmes also visited a Larrakia camp at Point Charles, which is not an area subject to these proceedings. 246 Inspectors Kelly and Beckett produced two reports for Basedow, dated 29 July 1911 and 11 August 1911 respectively. They recorded that the Aboriginal population in the area was approximately 225, the preponderate percentage of which were Larrakia. 'The representatives of nearly all the coastal tribes from the Victoria to the East Alligator rivers are to be found at Darwin'. Kelly and Beckett recommended 'placing all of the unemployed natives upon a suitable settlement where they might be taught to assist themselves to be largely independent.'

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Establishment of Kahlin Compound at Cullen Bay 247 There had been mounting pressure on the Government Resident to remove the Larrakia people from their camping ground at Lameroo Beach. Prior to the inception of the Aborigines Act, Protector of Aborigines Stretton supported the establishment of a 'permanent camping ground for the natives outside the boundary of the township. … The natives would be far better out of the township, those only who are employed to be allowed within the boundaries of the township.' There were various plans to remove the Larrakia people from the town. Basedow, in July 1911, developed a 'Scheme for the Protection, Medical Supervision and Systematic Employment of the Australian Aborigines'. Under this 'scheme', a 'Larrakeyah reserve' was proposed for the sea front adjoining the Botanic Gardens where the Larrakia people would be employed as 'attendants and watchmen' as well as being 'an additional attraction for visiting travellers'. A second reserve for less 'civilised and educated' members of the Larrakia tribe was to be established at a more remote location. On 8 December 1911, Beckett, by then a Protector of Aborigines, wrote: 'The task of keeping the unemployed natives out of Darwin has been a difficult one chiefly on account of the camps being situated so close to the town and the problem of where to put them. I am now hopeful of being able to overcome the trouble. Having brought the influential members of the various tribes together and held a conference with them, the Larrakeya's, Woolner Wargite & Alligator tribes have agreed to camp in amity on a piece of Crown land adjoining the Botanical gardens on one side & the Railway line on the other nearly two miles from the town and to keep away from the town at night & when not at work. Having consulted the acting administrator he has assured me that some assistance will be given to the natives to re erect their huts which will have to be demolished.' 248 The Northern Territory Times, also dated 8 December 1911, confirmed this report, stating that 'no coercion is being exercised in this matter, the aboriginals being quite satisfied to form new camping grounds on the assurance that the authorities will assist in making "new feller house"'. 249 In January 1912, following Basedow's resignation, Professor William Baldwin Spencer arrived to take up the position of Chief Protector for a period of one year. Spencer was anxious to remove the Aboriginal inhabitants of Darwin from the 'detrimental influences surrounding them' in the form of opium and alcohol, and immediately made plans to 'remove all aboriginal camps from the vicinity of the town of Darwin'. 250 In choosing the site for the Aboriginal camp, Spencer had regard to the Larrakia campsite at Lameroo beach: 'The largest Larrakia Camp is located, half on the cliff forming part of the Esplanade bordering the Harbour and half on the beach at its base. This division into two, an upper and a lower camp, is of long standing and has been respected in the choice of the new site which is located at Cullin's Beach outside the limits of the Township.' 251 In 1912, modern-day Cullen Bay, situated to the north-east of the town, was an undeveloped, relatively isolated area, consisting of a short beach fronting a narrow strip of land backed by cliffs and a ridge. This was the site selected for the establishment of the new Aboriginal camp, which became known as the 'Kahlin Compound'. The compound comprised 'about 13 acres … [with] a boundary fence consisting of posts of local timber and barb wire.' By the end of 1913, there were 'sixteen bark huts, a boys' dormitory, girls' dormitory, kitchen, laundry, office, storeroom, coach-house and fodder room, a fowl house, and some old dilapidated buildings in the gardens.' A school was established for both Aboriginal and children of mixed descent. The indigenous population of the compound fluctuated according to the season. In 1915-1916, the average population was 195, and in 1916-1917, it was 230 people. 252 In his 'Preliminary Report on the Aboriginals of the Northern Territory' dated 20 May 1913, Spencer commented on Aboriginal people living in settled areas of the Northern Territory, stating: 'These natives have so completely lost all their old customs that there is no difficulty in gathering them together into a village or compound, as is now being done in Darwin.' Under the heading 'Aboriginals Living in Towns', Spencer wrote '[t]hese natives have long since become degenerate and have lost all their old customs and beliefs.' He further recorded '[o]ne thing is certain and that is that in all parts where [Aboriginal people] are in contact with outsiders especially with Asiatics, they are dying out with great rapidity'. 253 In relation to traditional laws and ceremonies, Spencer observed that 'in many cases where the tribes, as in the immediate neighbourhood of Darwin, are not only demoralized but decimated, the old rules cannot be enforced'. He wrote that the existence of regularly performed ceremonies 'forms a very serious practical difficulty in connexion with any attempt … to remove the aboriginals from any particular part of the country except in settled districts where they have lost all their old beliefs and, to a large extent, given up performing their old ceremonies.' 254 Spencer outlined his economic plan for the compound. The inhabitants were to be self-supporting, 'as they will be employed either in the [compound] garden or in business places or private houses', although rations would be distributed to 'old and indigent' residents. Spencer further recommended the introduction of regulations, including a prohibition against any Aboriginal or mixed descent person being outside the compound or an employer's residence after sunset without a 'special permit'. Further, no Aboriginal person should be allowed to leave Darwin without permission. 255 In her report, Dr Wells said that Spencer had 'not understood the continuing status of the Larrakia who again used the local press to make public their dissatisfaction that Aboriginal people from another district were having their houses built first, that the earlier promises of Inspector Beckett regarding their own housing were not being fulfilled and questioned the motives of the Government for removing them in the first place.' The Territory submitted that there was scarce evidence that the complainants were Larrakia, and further that any evidence of such complaints was equivocal. In the Northern Territory Times dated 16 February 1912, a 'Billy Muck', in a complaint entitled 'No Good Government', questioned 'Whaffor that one Pisher Gubment huntem allabout my countryman long old pfeller camp and makem sit down close up that new pfeller wurley?' In another complaint published 29 March 1912, a journalist described how an Aboriginal man 'fired at the worried scribe a volley of questions', including 'What for gubment gib it new pfeller house longa Alligator, no more gib it longa Larrakeah?' 256 I have previously discussed whether the use of the press by Larrakia people demonstrates their 'special status' within the township. It is therefore unnecessary for me to determine the weight to be attached to such evidence. 257 Correspondence and newspaper articles highlight that Spencer was not immune to community criticism. One incident involved Spencer sending away a Larrakia boy to a Western Australian pastoral station in an act of what was described by the Northern Territory Times (31 May 1912) as 'compulsory and heartless expatriation'. 258 Spencer's successor, Chief Protector W G Stretton, supplied the Administrator with a 'Report on Aboriginals Department, 1913', annexed to which was a report of Inspector Beckett. Stretton related that 'Most of the camps in the town have been broken up, and the aboriginals removed to the compound at Kahlin. It has been a difficult matter to induce the different tribes to amalgamate and fraternize.' In defence of the compound plan against those members of the community 'who would like to have the natives as slaves', Stretton unequivocally stated 'We are occupying their country, and must give them something in return, and all that we can do is to improve their condition according to our way of living.' Concerning the Kahlin Compound, Stretton reported that there were 76 inhabitants as at 31 December 1913. 259 Pursuant to the Aborigines Act, Aboriginal children of mixed descent were removed from their mothers, and placed in a 'Half-caste Home' in the compound, separated from other residents by a fence. Particular care was taken to remove the girls from the influence of 'full-blood' Aboriginal people. A former resident of the 'Half-caste Home', Val McGinness, recounted in 1988 that '[t]hey didn't separate us boys from the full bloods and they didn't try to stop us learning Aboriginal ways … Matter of fact all us Half-caste boys used to join in the Aboriginal ceremonies and all that, dances, corroborees.' The Territory in its written submissions argued that this passage demonstrated the way in which the Aboriginal people 'drew together in their "Aboriginality", lending practices and customs between each other, with the effect that none could be said to be referable to the original "Larrakia society"'. I will deal with this submission below in my discussion of whether the connection element is satisfied. 260 Criticism of the compound became public within years of its establishment. In a letter to the editor in the Northern Standard newspaper dated 26 September 1922, the compound was referred to as 'not only a blot upon Darwin, but a blot upon the white race' and the author said that it was 'practically impossible to describe the conditions obtaining there, and the herding of filthy, diseased, blackfellows and lubras'. Previously, in 1917, the 'whole of the town and neighbourhood of Darwin', except for the compound, was declared a 'prohibited area' under the Aborigines Act, making it an offence for an aboriginal or mixed descent person to be anywhere but in the compound without a permit. The Aborigines Act was replaced with the Aboriginals Ordinance 1918 (NT), which stipulated that all Aboriginal people in Darwin had to live at the compound and increased penalties for Aboriginal people discovered in prohibited areas or outside the compound during curfew hours without permission. In 1927, the Commonwealth government held an inquiry into indigenous affairs in the Northern Territory, led by the Chief Protector of Queensland, J W Bleakeley. In his 1929 report on 'The Aboriginals and Half-Castes of Central Australia and North Australia', Bleakley noted that there had previously been problems with residents of the compound leaving the boundaries without permission and visiting the Half-caste Home with designs of 'immorality'. 261 The Territory submitted that the asserted 'lack of control' in the compound was not demonstrative of any assertion by or recognition of Larrakia rights to land, even if that fact is coupled with the assertion that the majority of residents were Larrakia people. I agree that a lack of control in the compound is not by itself indicative of an assertion of Larrakia rights to land. However, it may be significant that, despite the threat of 'white feller' sanctions, residents of the Kahlin Compound persisted in moving outside the boundaries of the compound. I shall further consider these aspects when reviewing the effect of all the relevant evidence. 262 In 1923 a Committee of Inquiry into the Compound was appointed to deal with continued public and official criticism (the Inquiry). The Committee received oral evidence and evidence in the form of written statements from members of the public on the necessity and location of the compound, and the desirability of sheltering both people of Aboriginal and mixed descent in the same place. 263 In her report Dr Wells stated that 'the Inquiry highlighted the persistence of unauthorised Aboriginal camps in Darwin as well as the Larrakia's status as traditional owners'. The phrase 'traditional owners' was later revised to 'prior occupants'. I received this evidence, which was the subject of an objection by the Territory, in accordance with s 136 of the Evidence Act, limited to 'reciting a description of the inquiry'. The Territory in its written submissions argued that this evidence does not, in fact, recite a description of the Inquiry. 264 In the Inquiry's report of 4 July 1923, there was no specific mention of the Larrakia people at all. The only reference to the Larrakia people was indirect: 'All natives, not employed, [should be] compelled to live in the Compound, or, in the case of natives from outside districts, sent back to their country rather than be allowed to remain in indolence in Darwin.' [emphasis added] 265 However, the Inquiry's report ought to be read in the context of other documents that were tendered. In his letter dated 2 July 1923 to the Committee Chairman, Mr C J Kirkland suggested 'sending back to their own districts of all natives other than Larrakeyahs who are not engaged in some employment', a reference to the Larrakia people's prior occupancy of the area. He also drew attention to the 'abominable traffic' of opium and alcohol which was occurring. Similarly, Albert Woods, a contractor in Darwin, suggested in his evidence that another compound be established a further distance from the town, and that it 'be solely for the old Larrakeah natives'. A Lands Officer from the Home and Territories Department, writing on 24 October 1923, stressed that '[a]part from the cost involved in the proposed transfer of the Compound … it must be recognised that the natives associated with the compound are occupying what to them is [a] portion of their recognised tribal area.' He further stated 'The Township of Darwin was surveyed in 1869 or 54 years ago and a certain amount of occupation has been effected during that time. Consequently the natives whose tribal area had been encroached upon, gravitated to the town and, up to the time of the transfer of the Territory to the Commonwealth, were utilized by the whites occupying the town in various capacities, as servants etc., and were allowed to wander about and camp in the vicinity of the settlement without restriction. Naturally after a number of years association with the town, these natives have to a great extent lost their bushcraft, and now depend solely on what they earn or is given to them in lieu of wages for the work they perform in the Town, for their sustenance. In order to restrict the camping places and prevent undue numbers wandering about the Town during the day and night, the existing Compound at Cullen Beach was established by the Northern Territory Administration.' 266 In the context of these documents, which refer to the Larrakia people either directly or indirectly, I find that the statement by Dr Wells does reflect a feature of the evidence before the Inquiry. 267 The Chairman of the Committee of Inquiry, J T Worgan, sent a report to the Administrator dated 4 July 1923. In it, Worgan noted that the present site of the compound was 'condemned' by a majority of witnesses. Reasons for such censure included its proximity to residences at Myilly Point, sanitary issues, and compound residents' drunken behaviour. 268 Worgan observed that the current system 'or want of system' allowed 'formation and continuance of odd camps of natives in or near the town' and suggested that 'natives from outside districts … [should be] sent back to their own country'. The Committee also advocated separating mixed descent children from their parents and opined that: 'The present system of allowing both male and female half-castes entrée to the Aboriginal Compound, and allowing them to associate freely with the full-blooded natives we think undesirable as it inevitably tends to bring the half-caste down to the level of the native. By tactfully gaining the confidence of the half-caste boys and girls … much would be done to create a favourable and happy atmosphere that would give the half-caste a fair start along the road of civilised life.' 269 The report also outlined the numbers of residents at the compound, as at 31 May 1923. The number of residents totalled 418, which number was comprised of eight tribes and 41 residents of mixed descent. Larrakia people constituted the majority tribe, with 81 resident at the compound. The next most numerous tribes were the 'Waugites' and the Melville Islanders, each with 76 residents, followed by the Bathurst Islanders (38), the Mulac Mulac tribe (36), the Anson Bay tribe (30), the Brinkin tribe (18) and the Wool Wonga tribe (2). There were also 20 people accounted for at the compound clinic, whose tribes were not noted. 270 The then Administrator of the Northern Territory, F C Urquhart, responded to the Committee's report in correspondence to the Secretary, Home and Territories Department, on 4 July 1923. Urquhart referred to the complaints against the compound as '95% fictitious and [as having] … scarcely any foundation in actual facts'. He stated he was thus 'unable to advise that the recommendation of the Committee should be given effect to'. Urquhart further reported that the Melville Islanders in the compound had been sent home, that any camps which existed outside the town had been dismantled and that illicit sale of alcohol was being attended to. 271 In 1925 the Half-caste Home, with a population of 21 girls of mixed descent, was removed to outside a house 'about a hundred yards from the compound'. Boys were later accommodated in the downstairs part of the Home. In 1929 Bleakley said that '[w]hile the conditions are vastly better than in the compound dwellings and clinic, it is freely admitted that the housing of 76 children, of different sexes, in a house large enough only for one family, is not satisfactory.' However, he supported the removal of the children from their parents' care, saying that the 'object of the home is to save these half-castes from the degradation of the blacks' camp, properly care for and educate them, and fit them to take a useful part in the development of the Territory.' 272 Dr C Cook was appointed Chief Protector in 1927. Cook's 'Half-caste Policy' was one of assimilation, whereby it was intended 'to elevate the half-caste's standard of living to that of the white, and to assist him to take his place in the community both socially and industrially'. Under Cook's policy, 'the mating of an aboriginal with any person other than an aboriginal is prohibited. The mating of coloured aliens with any female of part aboriginal blood is also forbidden. Every endeavour is being made to breed out the colour by elevating the female half-castes to the white standard with a view to their absorption by mating into the white population.' 273 In his Annual report for 1933-1934, Cook claimed 'real progress' had been made and that 'practically all half-caste children of both sexes, formerly left to live with aboriginals in compounds and bush camps to reach maturity as aboriginals, have been removed to half-caste institutions under Government control.' Cook also claimed that better accommodation and schooling facilities were being provided to these children. At 30 June 1934, the number of 'inmates' at the Half-caste Home in Darwin was 106, 13 of whom resided with their employers. 274 Cook's policy involved strict control of women of mixed descent. This control, as well as the general living standards in the Half-caste Home, generated criticism from members of the public and from officials. A report of W V Lancaster dated 8 October 1936 to the Secretary of Department of the Interior referred to the 'most unsatisfactory conditions under which the adult half-caste girls live on the compound'. He described the 'practice of locking adults in houses at 7.30 pm until next morning' as 'calculated to result in the very trouble which it is desired to avoid', the 'sanitary arrangements' as 'not satisfactory', and the 'compulsory deduction by the Chief Protector of 2/- in the case of half-caste women with dependents and 1/6d in the case of single women for the Medical Benefit Fund' as 'unfair'. 275 Correspondence from J B Waldie, a member of the public, dated 21 April 1936, also complained about the conditions in the Half-caste Home: 'to … keep the girls locked up under these conditions is a disgrace to any civilised country'. He further said that the women had 'no chance of leaving the compound unless they are married', and complained about the insufficient food and clothing provided to the residents. 276 In March 1939 the Northern Standard reported that five girls had escaped from the Half-caste Home. All were arrested and charged with being in a prohibited area. Two of the girls were sentenced to three weeks' imprisonment. In March 1940, the Northern Standard reported that there had been 'allegations of bestial treatment towards half-caste girls in the Darwin compound'. A former inmate of the Half-caste House has written that Cook 'never wanted us to mix with the full-blooded Aborigines. He kept us away … he wanted us to marry into white and get rid of our own … Aboriginality.' 277 Cook did not exercise the same level of control over Aboriginal men and women of mixed descent who were married and raising families in Darwin. However, he attempted to increase his level of control with his 'Half-Caste Housing Policy', sent to the Administrator on 2 February 1932. In this policy, Cook outlined 'the problem with which the Administration [was] … confronted': 'There are in Darwin some 39 male and 53 female adult half-castes with 90 children dependent upon them. These people being adults are for most purposes beyond the control of the Chief Protector. […] All of these Half-castes are inadequately housed. Several live in the Police paddock [modern day Stuart Park] in the closest proximity to the lowest grade coloured alien population, others live in the Unemployed camps as comrades of agitators and extremists of Communism, others in shacks and humpies suburban to Darwin. These huts are in the last degree insanitary, not weather-proof, ill-ventilated, overcrowded, dark and usually unfloored. […] It can be readily recognised that these people provide a promising field for the endeavour of the agitator, who attacks the social system. These people cannot appreciate that they have any place in the social system, it has removed from the native camps where they would have been happy, and brought them into the town to face nothing but want and misery. It must be recognised that this is a problem of great magnitude requiring immediate attention. These conditions are evolving an immoral degenerate coloured population which, under the influence of communistic agitators, is becoming indolent, embittered and revolutionary.' 278 Cook said further, 'It remains … to rescue these adult half-castes no longer under legal control. As a first step in this direction I recommend that proper housing be provided for these people.' He borrowed money from the Aboriginal Trust Account to build eight houses under the scheme. However, Dr Wells noted that the development of the scheme was cut short by the acquisition of the houses by the armed forces during World War Two. 279 The living conditions endured at the Kahlin Compound were similarly miserable. In his report, Lancaster provided an account of the lack of edible food and adequate water, and described the accommodation as consisting of very crowded huts. In addition, 'on the compound beach a number of aboriginals had small humpies … most them were removed within the next few days. It is understood there is a periodical clean up of this nature.' 280 Dr Xavier Herbert was the Superintendent of the compound in 1936. He gave evidence in relation to the compound in 1980 at the Finniss River Land Claim Inquiry before the then Aboriginal Land Commissioner, Justice Toohey. Herbert gave evidence concerning the system of 'capturing cross-blooded children and bringing them in here … . The females … were locked in a sort of prison within a prison.' He said that following Cook's appointment as Chief Protector in 1927, there was a concerted effort to increase the number of mixed descent children in the compound. When asked about the effect that removal from their parents had on the children, Herbert replied that 'everybody was terrified of this. There had been some system of taking away before … but now there was a concerted effort to bring these people in'. Herbert further stated that a person of mixed descent who associated with Aboriginal people would lose their 'status': 'if you … had a good job … had a house and a job in the government, if you went back to the [Aboriginal] camp you were out.' 281 The aim of compound authorities was 'there was to be no Aboriginality whatsoever in that compound'. However, Herbert claimed that the aim was not achieved. For example: 'There was a rule in the compound with half-caste children so-called that their mothers were not allowed to have any dealings with them and the children were not to have any dealings with their mothers. A lot of the mothers came here because their children had been taken from them and gave themselves into work in the compound. The blacks did not want to lose their half-caste people. They meant the same to them. They were their children and everybody was responsible for them - men and women. … of course you were not allowed to let them in with them, but they could, say, feed them and fondle them through the … they used to have sort of big concentration camp fences to keep the children in, and they used to do this sort of thing through the fence.' 282 In cross-examination, Mr Hiley suggested to Dr Wells that some of the historical material suggests that mixed descent people were not regarded by full-descent Aboriginal people as being members of the tribe. In particular, Mr Hiley referred to the article written by Wildey, where he said that 'Half-caste children are not met with amongst the natives, their code of morality being very strict. In fact, should such a little contre-temps happen to mar the domestic felicity of a family, it is said that the inopportune advent of the little stranger would quickly furnish a feast to the tribe, which countenances no interlopers of a fairer complexion.' 283 Dr Wells pointed to Herbert's description above of the lengths to which Aboriginal mothers went to maintain contact with their children. Mr Hiley made the distinction between families accepting their children, and the tribe accepting the children. 284 Cook imposed more rules to control the movement of Aboriginal people in the area, including the introduction of numbered identity disks. Dr Wells considered that Herbert's evidence highlighted the inability of compound officials to 'contain the population'. 285 Herbert confirmed the existence of a 'dusk to dawn' curfew, however 'It did not mean there were not Aborigines around the town because there was another system working here, an illegal system, which provided the town with Aboriginal labour of probably equal strength. That was done by the Aborigines and largely the Chinese. … This was done by the people belonging to this locality we are talking about, Cox Peninsula - that is Kungarakany, Larrakiya, Wagaitj, Brinken and Marathiyel people - who would spend half their time in the traditional way and half their time working in here. Everybody endeavoured to do that to try to get walkabout. Some of them got trapped in the compound. They would all have their reasons, and some of them were not able to get back to the bush again. These people who were still living in the old way would have, say, a couple of months in the bush … and then they would come to a … meeting place.' 286 Herbert described how Aboriginal people who had been working in the town area would cross the harbour to the West Arm: 'They would go back then … with their pay-off which was always in kind - food, flour, sugar, tea, loaves and things like that and a thing that was very important to them, a thing called turkey twill from which they used to make nagas which were supposed to have magical qualities. They used to sneak back in canoes and land on Fosters Beach and there used to be ceremonies. I think, from my limited knowledge at the time, that they used those meetings for a purpose. There was always something going on. There were some funereal things that had to be gone through - all sorts of ceremonies which are beyond the comprehension of anybody but an anthropologist. … Then those people would go away into the bush and others would come back here and take their places in this illegal trade.' 287 Dr Wells argued that it was the inability of the officials to contain the Kahlin Compound Aboriginal population that provided one of the arguments in favour of its removal in the mid 1930's. In 1934 Acting Northern Territory Administrator J A Carrodus suggested that the 'presence of the Compound in a populated area is undesirable for many reasons. It should be removed to a site outside the town boundary or in a portion of the town where its presence will not interfere with the non-aboriginal residents.' By 1936 Cook had agreed that the site at Cullen Beach was no longer suitable and had initiated discussions to remove it elsewhere. On 24 March 1936, an article in the Northern Standard reported on a meeting called by King George of the 'once great tribe of Larrakeyahs' which was attended by the 'old men of the tribe … [and] the Acting Superintendent'. The author of the article, who was invited, also attended the meeting. The article stated: 'King George pointed out that they had heard reports that the Government intended to shift the present compound to some point inland to make way for more Myilly Point residences. "The Larrakeyah people are a salt water tribe and would not be prepared to live away from the sea", said King George. "This is all the country we have left, and the Government should leave us on it. Years ago we use to have our camping grounds on Lamaroo Beach and I was born there as were most of the old men of the tribe. Our water supply was the native well where the present baths are now located. When Doctor Basedow and Dr. Gilruth shifted us to this place they promised us certain things but those promises were never kept. We have cleared this land and built our houses, and we should not now be asked to shift. […] Several speakers pointed out that the Compound was given to the Larrakeyah tribe, and they objected to members of other tribes camping and living at the Compound. … Another complaint is that the tribe is becoming detribalised and that the children are not learning the language of the tribe but a mixture of the languages of the tribes now resident in the Compound and English. It was pathetic to see these old men endeavouring to safeguard the interests of the tribe. Asked what they would do if ordered by the Government to shift to another compound, they said they would rather go bush … . […] On the whole [our] writer was greatly impressed at the work being carried out by the aborigines for their own comfort, and left with the feeling it would be far better to exclude the outside tribes and allow the Larrakeyahs tribe which has had nearly a hundred years association with the whites to remain in residence on the small piece of land which they claim was given to them by Dr. Basedow and Dr Gilruth.' 288 Acting Chief Protector of Aborigines, W B Kirkland responded to this article in the Northern Standard by a letter to the Administrator of the Northern Territory, dated 17 June 1936. The Larrakia people's concerns were dismissed by Kirkland as being 'more imaginary than real'. He further said about the Larrakia people: 'The remnants of this tribe have long concentrated in the precincts of Darwin which, with adjoining coastal belts terminating in the regions of Point Charles and East Point respectively, comprised their former tribal territory. Of late years most of the surviving members have been permanent residents at the Kahlin Compound. Any problems which might beset the removal of the Compound to another site are rendered comparatively easy when viewed solely in relation to the Larrakeyah tribe.' 289 Kirkland assured the Administrator that the site selected for the new compound was 'definitely situated in Larrakeyah territory and thus would provide for them a camping ground in their tribal area, proximity to centres of totemic and ceremonial significance'. In relation to concerns about the 'intrusion of neighbouring tribes into their domain', Kirkland stated that this did not 'introduce a basis of objection', since 'for many years past the Larrakeyah tribesmen have fraternised and intermarried with their neighbours, the Wargites, and they claim close kinship with the Woolner group who are their near neighbours on the Darwin side. It is anticipated that the Woolner, Wargite and Larrakeyah people will comprise the majority of the population in the new Compound.' 290 Kirkland further claimed: 'It was observed that the tribe is practically detribalized in the extreme. This assertion is proved by accurate statistics which were compiled by the observer. At present there are 45 pure Larrakeyah people, comprising adults and children, residing in the Compound. Of the 13 married males 10 are consorting with lubras of other tribes: of the 8 married lubras 3 only are consorts of Larrakeyah males. 20 of the adults are over 50 years of age, their expectation of life might possible by some 7 years. There are 14 children under the age of 13 years. It was gleaned that ceremonial centres in the vicinity of Darwin had been abandoned for several years and that initiation ceremonies were not conducted some five miles from Darwin, entailing a voyage across the harbour by canoe; thus any suggestion that their proposed removal usurped their rights to ceremonial centres is adequately contradicted.' 291 Kirkland reported that the Chief Protector had met with the male members of the Larrakia tribe and outlined the government's intentions in relation to their removal from the Kahlin Compound. 'When they were acquainted with the site of the proposed Compound and the arrangements that were to be made for their accommodation, for the schooling of their children and the rationing and welfare of the old people, they expressed pleasure at the Government's action, commenting that they were grieved that they had made trouble for the Government.' 292 The Territory disputed that the meeting called by King George was an assertion of rights to the land on which the Compound was situated on the basis of prior occupation, and argued that complaints reported were in fact related to a concern that people of mixed descent were receiving more benefits than members of the Larrakia tribe. The Territory noted that Dr Wells agreed with this analysis in cross-examination, but 'read against the grain' to show that the Larrakia people's sentiments were a complaint that the colonisers were not keeping their end of the bargain. 293 The Territory submitted that Dr Well's 'description [of the situation] is not what was disclosed by the source documents'. In particular, the Territory referred to Kirkland's response to the article, in which Dr Wells said Kirkland 'assured King George' that the proposed compound site was located within Larrakia country. In fact, Kirkland assured the Administrator that this was the case, in the context of 'erroneous information supplied to the aboriginals by persons who were not sufficiently acquainted with the intentions of the Department.' 294 As to whether the meeting called by King George was an assertion of rights to the land on which the Compound was situated, it is informative to review the article published in relation to the meeting. In the article, King George affirmed (as did Kirkland in his response) that the Larrakia tribe was a 'saltwater people' and objected to being asked to move to another site. He said that 'this is all the country that we have left'. King George also objected to members of other tribes camping at the compound. As the Territory pointed out, the Larrakia people also objected that 'half-caste' aboriginals were receiving more benefits from authorities than 'full-blood' aboriginals. 295 In cross-examination, Dr Wells stated that in the article, the 'Larrakia are feeling that they have been hard done by, that they negotiated with the colonisers to be here [at the compound], to share their country, and those promises haven't been kept.' The Territory submitted that Dr Wells agreed that Larrakia people did not assert rights to the land on which the compound was situated. 296 It may be that the Larrakia people did not at the meeting specifically assert their rights to the land on which the compound was situated. It was reported that they said that they were a saltwater people, that they would not be removed to a place located at a great distance from the beach. King George referred to the removal of the tribe from Lameroo Beach when the compound was first established, and to the empty promises allegedly made by the government. However, I find that the Larrakia people were, as Dr Wells claimed in cross-examination, aggrieved that the government had not ensured that the Larrakia people maintained a particular status as prior occupants of the area. Additionally, it is significant that Kirkland, in his response, remarked that the Larrakia people had been 'detribalized', but also noted that the new compound site was within their tribal area, providing proximity to 'centres of totemic and ceremonial significance'. 297 A site located on Bagot Road was chosen and gazetted as the Bagot Aboriginal Reserve on 10 March 1938. By May of that year, all the Aboriginal residents of the Kahlin Compound had been transferred to the Bagot reserve. The 'Half-caste Home' remained where it was, outside of the Kahlin Compound, until 1939 when the residents were transferred to Bagot reserve. 298 In 1941 the demand for Aboriginal domestic servants in Darwin had 'greatly exceeded the supply available … partly due to the repatriation of a large number of people to their rural districts.' It was reported in the Annual report for that year that '[e]very available native in Darwin was in employment during the year … Every male half-caste in Darwin has been employed at award rates of pay, and the half-caste population as a whole is enjoying the boom conditions at present prevailing.' A report at that time on living conditions for Aboriginal people residing with their employers contained a list of people who identified themselves as from the Larrakia tribe. This list included: Sam Kundook, Frank Lahm, Ettie Wurramurrabuck, Dick Mungnarabet, Flora Nabruma, Fat Amy Bandu, Topsy Tarta Marna, George King Ickongadilik, Benedict Lenmaniker, Lucy Demooil, Mary Minmurrin, Fred Nadpur, Dedja Batcho, Dolly Carinee, Elsie Normbill, Lindy Batcho, Paddy Denuguile, Peter Marringa, and Olga Singh. 299 In 1941, Delissaville Station (Delissaville - now known as Belyuen) on the Cox Peninsula was taken over as an Aboriginal settlement. Originally intended as a 'welfare centre for sick and unemployed local aboriginals', military occupation of the Bagot reserve meant that many Aboriginal people in Darwin were moved to Delissaville.

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Cultural Practices of the Larrakia people between 1910 and WW II 300 Accounts of the cultural practices of Larrakia people during this period exist, however are more general than earlier ethnographic accounts. 301 As cited above, Spencer in his 1913 'Preliminary Report on the Aboriginals of the Northern Territory' stated that the 'Aboriginals Living in and about Townships' had 'completely lost all their old customs'. Dr Wells admitted that Inspectors Kelly and Beckett, like Spencer, were at least initially pessimistic about 'Larrakia cultural survival'. In their reports, Kelly and Beckett said that of those Aboriginal people employed in Darwin, 'some have even conquered the almost irresistable [sic]habit of taking a periodical "walk about alonga bush" and have settled down to live upon the premises of their employers and avoid visiting the camp.' However, 'it is a common thing for a native to arrive unannounced at some white person's house in the morning and start doing things such as carrying wood and water … and just as common for the same native to disappear in the same casual way to "go bush" for a month or so' . 302 In their August report, Kelly and Beckett recorded the following about the Larrakia tribe: '[W]we noted that tribes extending over a very wide radius are represented in the various camps scattered around the town. Though the Larrekeya (in whose tribal district Darwin is situated) preponderate the Wulna Yowitch (West Alligator) Abiddul (East Alligator) Woolwonga and others are met with. All of these aboriginals fraternise and live upon the most amicable terms. Tribal differences and animosities appear to be matters of ancient history and to a great extent even tribal ceremonies which, in times past were regarded in the light almost of immutable laws are not persistent. The rites appertaining to the elevation of the boy to the status of man and later to the rank of warrior are still carried out - occasionally, but the fact that many adult native men are met with whose skins do not show a single trace of any tribal mark makes it plain that the ancient customs which in times gone by were performed with rigorous and relentless severity are, at least among those tribes which are constantly associated with the white people, gradually dying out. Even the operation of circumcision, the escaping of which three times brought the death penalty upon the evader, in those tribes which practised it, is now frequently and easily avoidable. As the Larrakeya, once the most powerful tribe along the Northern Coast never circumcised, nor operated in any way other than the making of raised cicatrices upon the body, that tribe appears to have much more easily fallen away from the old order of things. The more intelligent of the aboriginal freely admit that tribal ceremonies are dying out, they accept the changed times as inevitable. […] The "Wander lust" that peculiarity of aboriginal habit which makes the black in his wild state so difficult to deal with, and so hard to discipline - is not by any means strongly developed among the natives who hang about Darwin. Few of them "go bush" for any length of time …'. 303 Dr Wells in her report argued that Kelly and Beckett did not disclose information about the strategies adopted by the Larrakia people to 'survive the changes wrought by colonisation'. Nor can it be determined from these sources whether the Larrakia people interviewed by Kelly and Beckett deliberately withheld information about cultural practices. 304 In oral evidence, Dr Wells pointed out that Beckett and Kelly made the above comments after only one month in Darwin. In cross-examination, she conceded that she was unaware whether either Kelly or Beckett had had previous experience with Aboriginal people. She also argued that the statement that the traditional customs were 'dying out' ought to be considered in the context of a contemporaneous notion that the Aboriginal population was 'doomed to die out'. I note that the DCC objected to this statement as opinion without any basis. 305 Dr Wells also used Beckett's later reports in 1913 and 1916 to demonstrate that Beckett's opinion of the Larrakia people had evolved from his initial report. In 1913, Beckett said of the Larrakia people: 'Though the town of Darwin is situated upon the country of the Larrakia tribe, that tribe has now fewer representatives in the town than have other tribes from distant places. As the result of close observation and careful inquiry amongst the aboriginals, it appears plain to me that the Larrakia tribe, once strong numerically and influential along the north coast, has been brought very low. The Larrakias are now greatly outnumbered in their own country. Disease and excesses have killed, and are still fast killing, them off. Yet considerable virility still persists amongst them, for several tribally married couples at Darwin are raising large and vigorous families, but in each case these are people who indulge neither in opium or alcohol.' 306 In his 1916 report, Beckett related: 'Owing to the fact that Darwin occupies the seat of the tribal district of the Larakias a great deal of latitude has been accorded those of that tribe who have desired to stay about their heritage. Their ancient burial grounds, used from time immemorial, are on the beaches and in the jungles fringing the beaches. Their traditions are woven around the headlands and landmarks along the shore. The land we have built upon is the tribal property of various Aboriginal families and the right of ownership is still impressed upon the children. Taking these facts into account every consideration has been given to the Larakia tribe of Darwin and, in order to compensate for the necessity of removing them from certain old established haunts, weatherproof accommodation has been provided for them on Kahlin beach with ample coroboree grounds adjoining.' 307 In cross-examination, Dr Wells admitted that Beckett had not resiled from or qualified his earlier statements in 1911. Given that the 1916 report was written by Beckett when he had five years of experience working with the Aboriginal people in the Darwin region, I am inclined to give this report greater weight than his earlier reports. 308 Dr Wells claimed in her report that '[r]eferences in the historical record indicate that Larrakia cultural life persisted and that the Larrakia continued to sustain their status as prior occupants of the Port Darwin region after they were moved into the Kahlin Compound at Myilly Point in 1912'. Indeed, according to the 1915-1916 Annual Report of the Administrator it was noted that within the compound, native customs and names were 'so far as possible, encouraged'. Further it was reported that the co-operation that existed between '"King" George of the Larrakeah Tribe, who exercises no small authority', and the 'Superintendent' was of 'considerable value in the maintenance of discipline and harmony'. Similarly, the death of '"King" Solomon', 'a very good native, who always exerted a good influence over the young men in his tribe' is recorded in a 1916-1917 report on Kahlin Compound. The Territory submitted that any co-operation which existed between these men and the Superintendent is of little relevance. However, the point that King George exercised 'no small authority' and assisted in maintaining 'discipline and harmony' is relevant to the issue whether an elder structure continued to exist during the Larrakia people's first years of residence at the compound. In 1954 it was reported that a Larrakia man, Fred Nadpur, had been appointed as 'King' at a meeting held at Delissaville, and that Prince of Wales was appointed as his successor. 309 The preceding paragraphs provide one illustration where, in my view, Dr Wells drew from the available material somewhat more than was warranted and minimised the significance of contemporary information adverse to her views without sufficient warrant for doing so. The primary material indicates that, apart from there being some form of elder structure within the Larrakia community, the Larrakia people were mixing and living apparently harmoniously with a number of other Aboriginal groups and it suggests that - publicly at least - there were few if any ongoing indications of the continuing exercise of the traditional laws and customs which previously were recognised and practised. 310 There was nevertheless, at least until about 1930 or a little later, evidence of some ongoing ceremonial activities. 311 There was evidence that the Aboriginal people in the Kahlin Compound participated in ceremonies, including corroborees, at the compound and across the harbour on Cox Peninsula. Dr Xavier Herbert described certain ceremonial activities, which I have outlined above. Mrs Gilruth, wife of the Administrator of the Northern Territory, informed the Northern Territory Times in 1914 that 'The Government has made compounds for [Aboriginal people], and they keep to their own quarters, especially when having their corroborees. The lubras must be let off for the evenings, and they go to the camps and are ardent followers of the corroborees, which are kept up until all hours'. In 1918, patients in the compound medical clinic were locked in because 'it was discovered that patients under treatment left the hospital at night to participate in corroborrees [sic] at the Kahlin Beach'. Mr Hiley in cross-examination suggested that there were various reasons for which the patients were locked in the clinic at night, including the tendency of patients to leave the clinic before treatment was completed. However, as pointed out by Dr Wells, the 'lock-down' of the clinic was put into place in order to 'immediately and effectively' prevent the patients from attending corroborees at Kahlin beach. 312 In 1927, a 'tribal ceremony' connected with 'making five natives "young men"' and 'another five bucks "old men"' was said to have taken place 'with all due solemnity and prescribed rites according to the ancient custom' and was reported to have been 'brought to a successful conclusion … the whole business lasted about two feller months' and 'after a lengthy sojourn along bush it finish up along Point Emery', near the Compound. 313 Evidence of corroborees held at the Kahlin Compound corresponds with historical evidence from the Koolpinyah station journals. Koolpinyah was a cattle station established near modern day Litchfield in 1908 at which many Aboriginal people worked. The journals contain references to Aboriginal people passing through the station in May 1927 on the way to the Compound for 'young men making'. Gerrard, a young worker, was reported to be 'going in' to 'be made Banenigar[?]'. Three weeks later, it was reported that Gerard was 'back from Sunday business'. Dr Wells asserted that Gerrard was a Larrakia man, based on records from 1957 (the 'Register of Wards' referred to below) containing information that a Larrakia man named Gerrard Nei-langga was resident at the station. 314 During cross-examination of Dr Wells, Mr Hughston SC for the Territory suggested that the 'Gerrard' referred to in the journals, and the 'Gerrard Nei-langga' in the Register of Wards, were not the same person. Mr Hughston adverted to the fact that the Koolpinyah station journals only span from 1909 to 1941, leaving a 16 year gap before the 1957 records were taken. Mr Hughston also noted that the name 'Gerrard Nei-langga' is never referred to in the journals. Dr Wells said that it was the practice of the time to not use a person's Aboriginal name in records. 315 I note that the Register of Wards states that Gerrard Nei-langga was 50 years of age, meaning that in 1927, at the time of 'young men making' he would have been 20 years of age. I also note that the Register of Wards records that Gerrard Nei-langga was married to a woman named 'Mable'. There are no references in the station journals to Gerrard's last name, however there are numerous references to 'Gerrard and Mabel', such as 'Gerrard and Mabel went for a spell' (28 March 1935), 'Gerrard, Mabel and [her] sister returned' (22 May 1935), 'Gerrard's mob and Mabel's mother and two children added arrive' (28 February 1937), 'Gerrard and Mabel here about 2 with 3 doz fresh goose eggs. They are on their way to Howard to see if they can go in to the corrobberie [sic] at Compound' (12 April 1939). 316 It is possible that the 'Gerrard' and the 'Mabel' who were recorded as working at the Koolpinyah station in the journals had moved on by 1957 and that another 'Gerrard' and 'Mabel' had taken their place. However, it is unlikely. Given the references to 'Gerrard and Mabel' in the station journals and the fact that the age of 'Gerrard Nei-langga' is consistent with the description of Gerrard in the station journals, I find on the balance of probabilities that the 'Gerrard' referred to in the 1957 records as a 'Larrakia' man was the 'Gerrard' referred to in the station journals as going to the Kahlin Compound for 'Sunday business'. 317 Dr Wells referred in her report to a report in 1931 that Aboriginal people from Darwin had recently gone to Shoal Bay to attend a corroboree, to records in 1935 that Aboriginal people had arrived 'from Shoal Bay to report a young man making', and to a report from the Acting District Welfare Officer in 1935 that 'many natives have been congregating on [a Mr Litchfield's property] from Kulpinya and Nightcliff to attend a big "Santa business", or … a Gunabippi Corroboree. This business has been going on four or five weeks.' 318 In her report Dr Wells stated that '[g]iven previous ethnographic accounts of Larrakia people participating in neighbouring group's [sic] ceremonies it is likely that the Larrakia had some hand in the 'tribal custom of making a young man' from the 'Wargait tribe' held at a 'big feller corroboree' at the Compound in 1935'. This was reported by the Northern Standard in April 1935. There was no indication in the article that the Larrakia people had participated at all in the corroboree. Dr Wells relied on previous accounts, principally that of Basedow in 1906, to demonstrate that the Larrakia and Wagaitj tribes had traditionally participated in corroborees together, and 'If they did [so] in 1905, then I can suggest that they did in 1935.' 319 Dr Wells also noted that Larrakia people participated in 'ceremonial performances' for tourists to Darwin, in the 1920's and 1930's. In April 1929, the Northern Standard reported on a corroboree held at Mindil Beach for passengers of the 'Marella' in which members of the Larrakia tribe participated. The Koolpinyah station journals record that in April 1939, 'Gerrard and Mabel' were on their way 'to see if they can go in to the corrobberie at Compound for the tourist boat'. The Territory in its written submissions rightly pointed out that a corroboree for tourists does not necessarily constitute a 'ceremony'. 320 In examination-in-chief by Mr Parsons QC, Dr Wells gave evidence on the issue of Larrakia people participating in ceremonial activities at the Compound. Dr Wells said: '[T]here's quite detailed accounts of Larrakia participating in - in ceremonies or corroborees …at the Compound. Often they're reported as being tourist corroborees, and my opinion as a Historian would be that the tourist corroborees are reported in the paper but perhaps other ceremonies that were not for public consumption were also being held. I can find you a page reference of the report to - to other ceremonies happening at the Compound. … Again, it says that: "Larrakia were reported to have participated in a special corroboree at Mindil Beach". Again, as a Historian, I have to think okay, well where were those Larrakia people living. 81 of them at least were in the Compound. And, indeed, all the Aborigines in town at the time were required by law to live in the Compound, so we can … assume that those - those Larrakia people who were participating in the Mindil Beach corroboree were from the Compound.' 321 Dr Wells made the assumption that because the Larrakia people took part in corroborees for tourists, other ceremonies 'not for public consumption' were also being held. On the basis of evidence from the station journals of corroborees being held at the Compound, this is not an unreasonable assumption. 322 Val McGinness, a Kungarakan man and former resident at the Compound, recalled having witnessed Aboriginal burials at the Compound. 'Aboriginal people were not allowed to be buried in the general Darwin cemetery so when a person died at the Compound the body was placed in a canoe and paddled around to Mindil Beach where a burial took place'. Skeletal remains which were identified as 'fully Aboriginal', as well as others of mixed descent were uncovered in the Mindil Beach area during the development of the casino in 1977. The Territory submitted that there are no references in Val McGinness' account to Larrakia practices or customs, since he was of a different tribe. It further submitted that the account supported a conclusion that 'the Aboriginal people in Kahlin Compound drew together in their "Aboriginality", lending practices and customs between each other, with the effect that none could be said to be referable to the original "Larrakia society"'. There is considerable force in those contentions. 323 The Territory argued that Dr Well's assertion that the historical sources demonstrate that Larrakia cultural life persisted even after the Compound was established was incorrect. It submitted that Dr Well's conclusion was based on a combination of 'references to "Aboriginal" corroborees and ceremonies not attributed to any particular tribal group' and the '"fact" that Larrakia people constituted the majority of those in the Kahlin Compound'. 324 I have already referred to the 1923 report which provided information as to the number of residents at the Compound. The Larrakia tribe, with 81 residents at the Compound, constituted the majority tribe, closely followed by the 'Waugites' and the Melville Islanders, each with 76 residents. The next most numerous were the Bathurst Islanders (38), followed by the Mulac Mulac tribe (36), the Anson Bay tribe (30), the Brinkin tribe (18) and the Wool Wonga tribe (2). 325 The Territory submitted that: 'The bias inherent in Ms Wells' theory and methodology … is emphasised by the following [example]. … Ms Wells asserts that the Committee statistics she quotes show that "the Larrakia continued to predominate" at the Kahlin Compound, a view which was later relied upon to draw further conclusions. However, what the figures actually show is that while Larrakia people comprised 19.38% of the Compound population, both Waugites and Melville Islanders each comprised 18.8% of the population.' 326 Mr Hiley cross-examined Dr Wells on this point, suggesting that on the basis of the 1923 figures, Larrakia people did not comprise a 'significant proportion' of the Compound population. Dr Wells agreed that the data in question indicated that the Larrakia people constituted 20 per cent of the Compound population. However, she did not agree that the figures tended to suggest generally that at all times 20 per cent of the people at the Compound were Larrakia people. Dr Wells did not have any other data to suggest that the number of Larrakia people in the Compound was higher than 20 per cent at any other time, and she agreed with Mr Hiley that the percentage would not have been as high as 50 per cent. 327 The Larrakia people comprised the majority tribe in the Compound, but only just, in 1923. Dr Wells did not produce data to indicate that the percentage of Larrakia people in the Compound was higher at any other time. There is ample evidence as to the existence of other tribes in the Compound. In this context, Dr Wells' reliance on references to 'Aboriginal' corroborees seems misplaced. There is evidence to indicate that Larrakia people were involved in ceremonies at the Compound, but it does not suggest that Larrakia people only did so, or that the nature of those corroborees reflected any particular feature of Larrakia cultural practices distinct from those of other Aboriginal groups at Kahlin. I also think Dr Wells' cross-examination on this topic is another example of her preparedness to read into certain material things favourable to her opinion which were not really justified by that material. There is in reality nothing to support the suggestion that for any significant period Larrakia people comprised more than about 20% of the population at Kahlin Compound. 328 I note that at the hearing, applicant witnesses gave evidence of having been present for corroborees at the Kahlin compound when they were young. Barbara Mills gave evidence of having watched the corroborees from the top of the cliffs, as well as from on the beach. JF stated that corroborees had been held on Sundays, and on 'special other days like a death or any happy day'. 329 Dr Wells relied on the Koolpinyah station journals, which referred to the cultural life of the Aboriginal station employees, as well as to their travelling movements and resource collection. Dr Wells asserted that 'many Aboriginal people who are identified elsewhere in the historical record as Larrakia are recorded either working on or passing through the station. Such names include King Miranda, Ned, Mac[k], Chooky, Gentle Annie and Alice, Bennedy, Hector, Topsy, Gerrard, Dick, Billy, Topsy, Captain and Fat Jack.' The first respondent disputed that all of these names cited in the journals represented Larrakia people. It is useful to cross-reference this list of names with the 1957 roll (the 'Register of Wards' referred to above) and with the nominal rolls of the Humpty Doo and Koolpinyah Stations, taken in the early 1950's. 330 There was only one entry each for the names Mack, Chooky and Bennedy, all of which were recorded in the Register of Wards as being Larrakia people. King Miranda is cited in various historical sources as being from the Larrakia tribe. I have discussed the issue of whether Gerrard was a Larrakia person. 331 There were 22 people named Billy listed in the Register of Wards, one of whom 'Billy (Long)' was recorded as a Larrakia man. He was the only person by that name recorded as being in the Koolpinyah 'Sub-District'. Further, 'Long Billy', a Larrakia man, was also recorded on the Humpty Doo station Nominal Roll. Similarly, Fat Jack was recorded on the Koolpinyah station Nominal Roll as a Larrakia man. I find that references to these two names in the Koolpinyah station journals are references to Larrakia people. 332 There were no entries of Larrakia people by the names of Ned, Gentle Annie, Alice or Dick in the Register of Wards. There were three people named Hector recorded, one of whom was Larrakia, 13 instances of Topsy, two of whom were Larrakia, and 4 records of Captain, one of whom was Larrakia. None of these Larrakia people were listed as being resident at the Koolpinyah station. The evidence is inconclusive as to whether these names in the station journals refer to Larrakia people. 333 The Koolpinyah station journals contain references to Larrakia people moving about the area, and going to and from Darwin. Larrakia people are referred to as taking a 'spell' for a period of time, and in 1929 it was recorded that Gerrard was gone 'walkabout'. They also refer to the cultural life of Larrakia station employees. I have already mentioned Gerrard's trip to the Compound to be made 'Banenigar'. Corroborees, held both in the Koolpinyah, and in other areas, are referred to. 334 The Koolpinyah station journals also refer to the collection of resources. In particular, there are numerous references to the collection of geese eggs by Bennedy and Gerrard between 1913 and 1941. There are also references to Gerrard shooting geese and fishing. Burning-off was also conducted on the station, with references to Gerrard and Bennedy burning the grass: '3 August 1937 … Gerrard went footwalk to burn grass at Koorabun, got a good fire going … 10 August 1937 … Evan took all here [visitors from Darwin] to Korrabum to see the result of the burning off Gerrard did last week. Grass beginning to spring.' 335 According to Dr Wells, there is 'minimal evidence' regarding Aboriginal presence in the East Arm region. She suggested further archaeological and anthropological investigation is desirable. Archaeological survey work in the region indicated that there were several shell middens within the East Arm area. 336 A Quarantine Station was built in the area in the 1930's, and the army and air force had bases there during the Second World War. Three leprosaria were built in the East Arm region at Mud Island (1911), Channel Island (1931) and East Arm (1954). Aboriginal people formed the majority of patients of these hospitals and archaeological research indicated that there were approximately 150 gravesites on Channel Island. A 1932 report on the Channel Island Leprosarium stated that some of the patients would be leaving the hospital for a two week 'holiday' at 'various places around the harbour.' 337 There are no records in evidence which suggest that Larrakia people in particular were resident at the leprosaria referred to above. 338 Dr Wells also asserted that there was 'constant reference in the historical record to Larrakia people moving about their country'. In relation to the West Arm, Dr Wells referred to the records and correspondence of the Point Charles Lighthouse Keeper. In May 1894 he requested blankets for approximately 60 Aborigines camped near the Lighthouse who he reported to be 'nearly all Larrakeyahs'. In 1909 government rations were distributed to approximately 150 Aboriginal people on the West Arm landing, including around 23 'Larrakeeya' people. In the period after that, the evidence of Larrakia people in this area is scanty. 339 Apart from the oral evidence to which I shall refer shortly, the contemporary material in the period from about 1910 to the start of World War II does not point clearly to the Larrakia people having a continuing strong community practising their traditional laws and customs in the Darwin area including the claim area. The material points to some elder structure within the Larrakia community, to the ongoing holding of corroborees (apparently in conjunction with other Aboriginal groups both at the Kahlin Compound and elsewhere), and to the conduct of some ceremonies although it more strongly suggests that the conduct of ceremonies had barely persisted. There is no evidence to suggest that all, or most, of the cultural practices of the Larrakia people which were observed during the latter part of the 19th Century continued to be practised. 340 Dr Wells' opinion evidence does add to that picture. As I have said, I have adopted a somewhat circumspect approach to her opinions relating to this period. I am, however, also mindful of the aphorism: absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. The first applicants have put forward reasons why, despite the paucity of positive contemporary records showing the continued practices of the panopoly of cultural practices, I should find they continued to be practised. 341 I shall defer my conclusions on those issues until I have recorded my findings and the significant evidence in respect of the respect of period between WW II and the present, and about the contemporary status of the Larrakia cultural practices.

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The Period WW II - 1970 342 As noted, many Aboriginal people were removed from Darwin to Delissaville on Cox Peninsula near the start of the WW II. There, because of a paucity of rations, Aboriginal people were told by the Superintendent that they would 'have to live off the bush as much as possible [and] that they were to go bush & on to the beaches'. Some of the residents of Delissaville were members of 'Native patrols', which patrolled the coastal areas from Point Charles to Peron Island, locating wrecked Japanese and Allied planes, conducting searches for missing airmen and planes, and reporting suspicious craft. 343 Aboriginal people who had stayed in Darwin, 'camped in the bush around Knuckeys Lagoon, Howard Springs, Shoal Bay etc'. Following the beginning of the Japanese bombing of Darwin, these camps were raided at dawn and 'all natives transported to 10 Mile Siding where arrangements had been made for a special train to pick them up that afternoon and convey them to Mataranka.' Mataranka is 400 kilometres inland from Darwin. The 'Director of Native Personnel' reported that 'at first the natives resented being sent away but later became reconciled and boarded the train quite voluntarily.' 344 Douglas Lockwood, in 'Australia's Pearl Harbour, Darwin, 1942' recalled that several Larrakia and Wagait men were employed in Darwin at the time of the first air raid. George Munggalu told Lockwood that the Larrakia people still in the town held a 'council' meeting on Lameroo beach. At that meeting, Tommy Imabul, Peter Edwards, Billy Shepherd, Chook-Chook and Bob Secretary resolved to remain in the area, until Patrol Officer Bill Harney persuaded them to remove to Delissaville. 345 Prior to the air raids on Darwin, the majority of people of mixed descent were moved to the southern states of Australia. Many Larrakia people of mixed descent, including Alice Fejo, Kitty Fejo, and Dedja Batcho were evacuated from Alice Springs to Balaklava, in South Australia. Lockwood cited the Acting Director of Native Affairs, Vin White's comment that the 'separation of half-caste children from aboriginal mothers in these circumstances, with neither knowing whether they'd ever see the other again, was poignant in the extreme.' 346 Only five percent of mixed descent people from Darwin had voluntarily elected to be evacuated from the Northern Territory. Living quarters at Balaclava consisted of an area under a grand stand at a racecourse that was unroofed. The Administrator of the Northern Territory, C L A Abbott, remarked in a 1944 report on an inspection of the Balaklava facilities that 'I could not help feeling that there was an air of great melancholy and depression in the Race Course Settlement. The women and their children mostly huddled together in their sleeping quarters and appeared to be most apathetic and not particularly happy.' In his response to the Administrator's report, Superintendent McCoy stated: 'In regard to melancholia and depression I am of the opinion that nothing will solve this condition whilst evacuees are residing in this State. They are, by force of circumstances, resigned to remaining here until such time as conditions North will permit of them returning to the districts from which they were removed. I do not know of one single instance of an evacuee expressing a wish to remain and am continually being asked if I have received any news of when they will be permitted to go back.' 347 In 1942, the Army established 'Native control settlements' for Aboriginal people of full descent. A 1945 report which listed the number and the 'tribal affiliation' of Aboriginal people in these settlements showed that there were 12 Larrakia people at the Koolpinyah settlement, 13 Larrakia people at the Adelaide River settlement and 2 Larrakia people at the Manbullo (Katherine) settlement. No Larrakia people were recorded as being resident at either the Mataranka or the Larrimah settlements. Mr Hiley suggested to Dr Wells that out of approximately 800 Aboriginal people held at these settlements, only 27 of that number were recorded as being members of the Larrakia tribe. Dr Wells did not dispute this calculation, indicating that the residents of these settlements came from all over the Northern Territory and did not derive solely from the Darwin region. 348 The anthropologists Ronald and Catherine Berndt recorded data at the settlements on their study of card games played by Aborigines, informed by a Larrakia man, Fred Nadpa, who provided them with Larrakia words and phrases. In their 1947 article, 'Card Games Among Aborigines of the Northern Territory' (the Berndt article), the Berndts also noted that '[m]ajor ceremonies, related to what is known in the Territory as "Big Sunday", and definitely sacred and religious in intent, were from the outset of Army occupation discouraged … and in some cases prohibited altogether'. 349 The anthropologist A P Elkin wrote in 1949 that the army settlements had engendered 'Aboriginal solidarity' by which rituals and knowledge were passed on between the different groups forced together. This is the same process that the Territory alleged was taking place at the Kahlin Compound. Elkin wrote that Aboriginal people continued to find 'social stimulation and pleasure in their own corroborees', that they observed 'kinship and other social customs'. He said that despite some 'rearrangement and amalgamation of clan and tribal groupings', a 'specific and functioning social structure' was maintained. Elkin wrote that 'above all', for Aboriginal people in the Darwin region, 'the ritual life is retained or revived. This strengthens the authority of the elders, for their power derives from their place in, and knowledge of the secret life … Such are aspects of Aboriginal life in and around Darwin after seventy and more years of contact. One final point will make the trend even clearer. The Larrakia tribe, which formerly occupied the site of Darwin and the Delissaville Peninsular, had several higher degrees, through which an initiated man passed. These were thought to be a thing of the past in Baldwin Spencer's year in the region, 1912. But after forty years they were revived - and revived as a means of dealing with an aspect of the contact situation. A couple of men of the Wagaitj-Larrakia group had acted in an anti-social way in Darwin. Punishment by the Court, with gaol, was not effective, and in any case, the elders and more responsible members of the Delissaville community did, and do not want the Aborigines to have a bad name. They have therefore revived their Larrakia higher degrees, which are marked by severe discipline and stern moral and social teaching, and which add community responsibility.' 350 I note that Elkin referred to the revival of Larrakia rituals, 'forty years' after they were 'thought to be a thing of the past'. 351 Dr Wells referred to the report of Patrol Officer Gordon Sweeney, 'Some Notes on the Northern Territory with Special Reference to the Future of Aborigine and Mixed Blood'. Sweeney considered in his 'Notes' that the period immediately after the conclusion of the war would be a 'time of special opportunity for a new vision and a new beginning.' He considered that a new policy in relation to Aboriginal people of full descent and mixed descent should be developed. 'The conditions under which the evacuated half-castes will return to the North are in our hands. This is their country, their home, their natural environment, under control and training they have a vital contribution to make to the North.' Sweeney made other references to 'our responsibilities towards the remnant of the original holders of our country … [which] call for a determined policy based on an understanding of the realities of the situation', and to '[these people] to whom we owe a sacred duty as their protectors and the occupier of their hunting grounds.' 352 Sweeney also referred to the issue of Aboriginal people from all over the Northern Territory coming to Darwin and what he considered were the consequences of such a convergence: 'We have opportunities now for planning an effective constructive policy to meet the problem of the drift of natives from outside areas and reserves to Darwin, settlements along the railway and along the overland route, a drift which, if allowed to continue, spells doom to the native people.' 'In the N.T. the natives are fast becoming de-tribalised, they are drifting into the camps and settlements along the overland route, and are decreasing. Without a far-seeing, constructive and determined policy based on realities, their doom is sealed.' 353 Frank Moy, the Director of Native Affairs in 1947, argued that people of mixed descent were 'generally deeply embedded in the social structure of Darwin' and that they 'should be offered a place in the community with opportunity equal to any other citizen - [they are] of the Territory and will still be here when the drifter and opportunist has moved on.' Moy said that people of mixed descent 'in the new town plan should be catered for under the same conditions as the ordinary basic wage earner. Whatever scheme is evolved for housing the latter should be available to all citizens.' This view accorded with the policy of assimilation of people of mixed descent into the white community. Dr Wells recorded in her report that in 1946 Aboriginal people of mixed descent were allowed to return to Darwin. On their return Larrakia families were allocated ex-Army huts around Stuart Park. Children of mixed descent were removed from their Aboriginal mothers and were moved to the Retta Dixon Home, established within the Bagot Reserve. 354 None of this material refers to the Larrakia people specifically. However, it is relevant in certain respects. Firstly, Sweeney's Notes demonstrate the notion that the Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory ought to have a special status on the basis of prior occupation of the area. Secondly, Sweeney's Notes refer to the large numbers of Aboriginal people converging on Darwin from all over the Northern Territory, and the 'de-tribalisation' of the Aborigines in the Northern Territory, resulting from this convergence. Finally, Moy supported the assimilation policy by which people of mixed descent would gradually be accepted into the white community. 355 The 'Half-caste Association' was formed in Darwin in 1935, by people of mixed descent. Dr Wells gave evidence that it was an association to promote the interests of people of mixed descent, rather than of Aboriginal people of full descent. Mr Hughston SC suggested in cross-examination, and Dr Wells agreed, that the members of this association wished to be treated differently from Aboriginal people of full-descent. As Dr Wells wrote in her report, they were 'seeking freedom from the Aborigines Act which would give them such rights as being able to control their own affairs and destinies.' 356 In 1951, a second association, the 'Half-caste Progressive Association', was formed with the purpose of pursuing full citizenship rights for people of mixed descent. The lobbying of this body was successful and changes were made to the definition of 'Aboriginal' and 'part-Aboriginal' people in the new Welfare Ordinance 1953 (NT). These changes meant that people of mixed descent were able to obtain citizenship, whilst Aboriginal people of full descent became Wards of the State. People of mixed descent had to abide by regulations in the Aboriginal Ordinance which meant that they were unable to legally mix with Aboriginal people of full descent, including their relatives. 357 In a report dated May 1950, Sweeney detailed the efforts made to keep Aboriginal people out of the town area and mentioned the removal from Mrs Nicoloff's house of two of her 'relatives (full blood aborigines) [who] were camping with her'. 358 The Territory submitted that the formation of these two associations does not evidence any assertion of rights to land on the part of the Larrakia people. In contrast, it highlights that people of mixed descent wished to distance themselves in a legal sense from Aboriginal people of full descent. Their successful lobbying resulted in people of mixed descent being unable to legally mix with Aboriginal people of full descent. The Territory submitted that this result may explain the apparent 'dearth of material in the historical record regarding Larrakia people until the "land rights era".' 359 In May 1957, an extensive census of the Aboriginal people of full descent in the Northern Territory was published, known as the 'Register of Wards'. The Register of Wards demonstrates that 1354 Aboriginal people of full descent were recorded in the Darwin region. Of this number, 38 people were recorded as being members of the Larrakia tribe. Of 164 Aboriginal people recorded at the East Arm settlement, none were listed as Larrakia. 360 The Register of Wards specified not only the 'Tribe' but also the 'Group' of each person. As an example, Alfie Miwulaij was listed as being of the 'Larakia' tribe and of the 'Baramandi' group. Similarly, Hector Larrpina, recorded as Larrakia, was of the 'Fire' group. However, most Larrakia people were not recorded as being of a particular group. 361 After the war, Aboriginal people of full descent returned to Darwin and were placed in the former RAAF Air Defence Headquarters camp at Berrimah. The period between the end of the war and the mid 1950's was one of further control over Aboriginal people of full descent juxtaposed by increased agitation on their part. 362 Efforts were made by the Native Affairs Branch of the Northern Territory Administration to control the movement, residence and employment of Aboriginal people. From the historical sources it is clear that these efforts had a serious impact on the lives of all Aboriginal people in the Darwin area. The Chief Clerk of the Native Affairs Branch informed the superintendent of Delissaville in January 1947 that 'No native is to be permitted to travel from Darwin to Delissaville unless he has a permit from this office, likewise no native is to be permitted to travel from Delissaville to Darwin unless he has a permit signed by the Superintendent, Delissaville Native Settlement.' It was compulsory for employers of Aboriginal people to have a particular licence, and if a licence was not produced on demand, then the authorities removed the employee to the Berrimah settlement. A patrol officer reported in January 1950 that the owner of a canoe found twice on the beach near Doctors Gully had been threatened that 'if it was ever again found on the Darwin side of the harbour, it would be destroyed.' Dr Wells commented, '[the threat] was [made] ostensibly with the aim of preventing traffic in alcohol. While this may have been so it would also have prevented Aboriginal people having easy movement about their country for other reasons.' Dr Wells also referred to reports by patrol officers made in March 1950 and in June 1950. These three reports illustrate the seriousness attached to the restriction of movement of Aboriginal people about the town area. 363 From the report dated 5 January 1950: '[O]ver the Christmas and New Year holidays … [we] conducted several patrols of the Darwin town and environs in an attempt to keep as many natives as possible out of the town area. We commenced our campaign by warning all natives we met that they must keep off the streets and that they could be arrested for being in town without lawful excuse. On 27th December, 1949, we removed a total of 21 natives to Berrimah.' 364 Similarly, it was recorded in the report dated 27 March 1950 by Patrol Officer J R Ryan that he 'removed between thirtyfive [sic] and forty natives from Darwin and its environs to Berrimah.' Further, Ryan noted that: 'All employers of natives living in the town have not yet been advised by me that their aboriginal employees must not wander aimlessly about the town. However, most of their employees have been warned that they are not to be on the streets after the departure of the last Berrimah truck. If they do not co-operate in this matter they have been threatened that they will have to live at Berrimah Settlement. ' 365 In a report dated 2 June 1950, Patrol Officer E C Evans stated that he had 'made a point of constantly reminding natives that they must keep out of Darwin or off the streets at night and it is evident that these warnings following upon the patrols of Patrol Officers Sweeney and Ryan and followed up by an occasional journey round the town are having the desired effect.' 366 A member of the Native Affairs Branch, W E Harney, in 'Life Among the Aborigines', wrote of the way that the camps in Darwin were raided at dawn and the people forcibly removed to Garden Point, north of Melville Island, 'where they could be away from Darwin's temptations'. 367 At the same time as the Administration was seeking to increase its control over the Aboriginal people of full descent in the Darwin region, these people were seeking better working conditions and wages. Dr Wells recorded in her report that in February 1947 one hundred Aboriginal workers, mainly residents at the Berrimah Compound, and generally employed as 'domestics and labourers' said that they would strike until certain demands were met. This action was not successful. 368 In November 1950, 'all Aborigines resident [at] Berrimah Aboriginal Reserve' informed Sweeney, at that time a Native Affairs Officer, that they 'were on strike and refused to proceed to work.' Their demands were that their wages be increased and that 'there should be equal laws for whites and aborigines'. The Northern Territory Administrator, A R Driver, stated that he would not consider any rise in wages, and advised the Director of Native Affairs to 'exercise his powers under section 16 of the Aboriginals Ordinance'. Section 16 authorised the removal of Aboriginal people to other settlements or institutions when the Director considered it to be in the person's best interests. 369 The Administrator ordered the removal from Darwin of one of the leaders of the strikes, Fred Nadpur, under s 16 of the Ordinance. In 1981, Patrol Officer Evans recounted: 'the Administrator, Mick Driver, decided to take a hard line and he directed the removal of the chief leader - a Larakia leader named Fred Waters, or, to give him his Aboriginal name, Fred Nadpur - from Darwin to the Haasts Bluff Reserve in Central Australia. This decision was not of course made publicly and in a cloak and dagger atmosphere I was detailed to pick up Fred from his camp and to head south towards Haasts Bluff. He joined me quite willingly and apart from expressing some apprehension when he learned his destination, showed no distress or resistance. … the removal of Fred had the desired effect and the strike ended. Meanwhile Fred, who had an initial fear of the desert Aboriginal, being convinced they all had three toes "all-the-same Emu", had adjusted to his new environment to the point that at the end of his six weeks exile he was beginning to rouse the Haasts Bluff folk to industrial action ….' 370 Fred Nadpur, as mentioned above, was reported as having been elected King of the Larrakia tribe at Delissaville in 1954. He was also referred to in the Berndt article. Both Annie Risk and Barbara Mills Raymond referred to Fred Nadpur in their oral evidence: Annie Risk said that she had been told stories about 'Grandpa Nadpur', and Barbara Mills Raymond said she remembered him as her uncle, and that she would go walkabout with him and other people. 371 Other attempts to obtain better wages and working conditions were made in 1951 and 1952. Dr Wells reported that Aboriginal people involved with strike action were threatened with the cessation of their food rations. In the context of the wages actually received by these people - since a 'significant portion' was automatically deposited into the Aboriginal Trust Account from whence it could not be withdrawn without permission - this form of 'persuasion' was compelling. 372 The Territory submitted, in my view correctly, that the Aboriginal people's efforts to obtain better working conditions and wages are not evidence of any assertion of rights to land by the Larrakia people. However, the evidence that Fred Nadpur was one of the leaders of the strikes is to be given weight when considered in conjunction with the other evidence outlined above concerning his position in the Larrakia tribe as an elder.

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Kulaluk Land Claim 375 In the early 1970s, the Larrakia people lodged an application with the Lands and Survey Branch for a lease to the land around the Kulaluk waterhole. On 27 May 1971, the Northern Territory News reported that there were 'now only about 20 [Larrakia people] left [in Darwin]' but that 'there are a fair number of part-Larrakia people living in Darwin'. The article quoted Bobby Secretary, who stated his reasons for the claim: 'It has been a special place for our people for all time …. We want to keep what is left, and we want to live there. We don't like Bagot. There are too many people, and too much trouble with fights that get the place a bad name. Bagot should be kept for Aboriginals, but the Larrakia should be given the rest of Kulaluk. We do have other special places. One is the frog cave at Casuarina, where water from a frog drips all the time. People who put their hands in the water can injure their lives. There is also Morramajuk at Shoal Bay, where our people caught crabs. The Vernon Islands are ours. They were given to me by my father. … And there is a waterfall at a place we call Balyun near Delisaville. At Parap we had a spring of fresh water we called Kilaworro. Now it is completely covered, and underneath a big water tank. … All our places are gone or in danger of disappearing. We want to tell Mr Giese about Kulaluk, and ask him to save it for us. Although there are not many Larrakia left, there are a fair number of part-Larrakia people living in Darwin.' 376 The Territory drew attention to the three other sites - the frog cave at Casuarina, Morramajuk at Shoal Bay, and the spring at Parap - noting that the evidence about these sites during the hearing was limited. Its observation is correct, although as discussed below there was some emphasis on the frog cave. 377 Bill Risk proffered the only evidence in relation to the site at Parap, saying that he had been told by his 'aunty' that there was a spring there that Larrakia people could drink from, and that it was a 'site of significance'. The significance of his evidence must be weighed with the fact that none of the other witnesses referred to it. 378 There was no reference to 'Morramajuk' in either these proceedings or in the Kenbi Claim. However, during these proceedings, Lorraine Williams said that 'Murrumujuk' was the name for the beach area along the Gunn Point area, which is to the north of Shoal Bay. Tibby Quall also referred to Murrumujuk, in passing, but did not specify the area covered. 379 Bill Risk, Kenny Reid, Pauline Baban, Helen Secretary, Maureen Ogden, Joe Raymond and Tibby Quall gave evidence at the hearing in relation to 'frog dreaming'. Susan Roman gave evidence on this topic at the Kenbi Claim in 1995. Out of these eight witnesses, six knew the location of the frog dreaming, near the Dripstone caves at Casuarina beach. There were varying descriptions of the significance of the site, with Pauline Baban and Helen Secretary warning against drinking the water or playing in the area. Helen said that the frog dreaming 'watches over where Old Man Rock is'. None of the other witnesses raised either of these points. Similarly, Tibby Quall, Maureen Ogden and Pauline Baban were the only witnesses to give evidence of a 'frog song'. No witness gave evidence as to water that drips all the time at the site. 380 Evidence was also led as to the name of the dreaming, the type and the number of frog dreamings. Bill Risk said that the dreaming was called 'Nadpa'. Maureen Ogden said that the Larrakia name for frog was Ngartbangartba, but said she did not know the name of that particular frog. Helen Secretary called the dreaming Gulparla. A possible explanation for the use of two names was provided by Tibby Quall who gave evidence that there are in fact two sites at the Dripstone caves. There is 'Ngarba frog dreaming' - a brown saltwater frog with three eyes - and 'Gulpa-la' frog dreaming - a green frog. Likewise, Pauline Baban referred to 'two frogs', being Ngartpa ngartpa, and Guparla, as did Kenny Reid, although he did not specify their names. Susan Roman referred to 'two-headed frog dreaming'. Tibby Quall's evidence is consistent with the evidence of Bill Risk and Helen Secretary: Bill Risk said that the dreaming was a saltwater frog with three eyes, named Nadpa, and Helen Secretary said the dreaming was a 'big green frog', and called it Gulparla. 381 The article also named Lawrence Urban and Norman Harris as the 'leaders' of the Larrakia people. The first respondent referred to the historical source describing a strike by Aboriginal people in Darwin in 1950 - referred to above - and the Register of Wards to demonstrate that Lawrence Urban was a member of the Wagait tribe, a fact which was acknowledged by Dr Wells in her report. As for Norman Harris, his wife, Topsy Secretary, gave evidence at the Kenbi Claim hearing that he was Larrakia. Evidence was given in the Kenbi hearing that Norman Harris' Aboriginal name was Barral. In the current proceedings, Lena Henry gave evidence that Norman Barral (Harris) is 'from Wagait' but she said that she did not know much about 'that one'. The Register of Wards lists 'Norman Baral' as from the Larrakia tribe. Given Topsy Secretary's evidence and the historical evidence, I find that Norman Barral was a member of the Larrakia tribe. 382 An article entitled 'The camp at Kulaluk', published in the Northern Territory News on 15 June 1971, reported that members of the Larrakia tribe had established a permanent camp at Kulaluk to 'strengthen their claim for land there.' Bobby Secretary is quoted as expressing the hope that 'all surviving members of the tribe would go to live there', and that there were 'probably 25 to 30 Larrakias left'. The article reported that nine people were already camped at Kulaluk. 383 Bill Day, a non-Aboriginal supporter of the claim, informed the public about the progress of the claim in the news sheet 'Bunji' (referred to above), between 1971 and 1984. An association was established. The origin of the name of the association, 'Gwala Daraniki', is the subject of conflicting evidence. In 1989, Topsy Secretary gave evidence that 'Gwala Daraniki' meant 'our land' in Larrakia. In the current proceedings, Helen Secretary likewise gave evidence that 'Gwala Daraniki' meant 'our country', however, she said that a Queensland man, Fred Fogerty, had suggested it. 384 On 9 July 1971 the Larrakia people commemorated National Aborigines Day by marching to the Northern Territory Administration block on Mitchell Street from Kulaluk. The Northern Territory News reported that 'the march was also aimed at drawing attention to the tribe's claim on the camping site and waterhole off Coconut Grove. … Mr [Bobby] Secretary said that though there were no indications that anyone intended evicting the tribe from Kulaluk, they would like some formal acknowledgement that it was their's so they could not be asked to leave later.' Approximately 13 men, women and children took part in the march, including Bill Day. Bobby Secretary said that some of the Larrakia people wished to 'travel to Delissaville so we could sort out the legal situation with Mr Tommy Lyons who knows the area very well'. The Territory in its written submissions highlighted the fact that few, if any, of the 'fair number of part-Larrakia people living in Darwin' participated in the march. Further, the Territory submitted that the fact that Bobby Secretary said that they needed to see Tommy Lyons 'who knows the area very well', 'indicates a lack of knowledge of country on the part of the Larrakia people in Darwin.' 385 Larrakia people and their supporters also participated in sit down protests on Bagot Road during peak hour traffic, to publicise their claim. The Northern Territory News dated 5 October 1971 recorded that 'About 20 Aboriginal men, women and children sat on Bagot Road yesterday blocking traffic as part of their campaign to win rights to land … . The Aboriginals, Larrakias, Brinkin and Wargite, were supporting the fight by a handful of Larrakias for the land. … About six Larrakias are camped in time shanties and tents on the land. The Administration recently refused them the land, and yesterday morning's sit-down was a planned protest against the decision. … The Aboriginals were also angry at the number of people struck and killed by cars outside the Bagot Reserve.' 386 A report by the District Welfare Officer dated 6 October 1971, regarding the protest, stated that only some of the people involved in the protest said that it was to draw attention to the Larrakia people claiming land rights. Others interviewed said that it was 'Union business' or to 'cut down speeding on Bagot Road'. However, at a meeting at Kulaluk between Patrol Officer J K Doolan and Bobby Secretary following the protest, it was 'established definitely that the main, and as far as the Larrakia group was concerned, the only reason behind the protest was to draw the attention of the public to the Larrakias claim for land.' Doolan further reported to the District Welfare Officer: 'Yesterday was the first time for some months that the writer has visited the Larrakia camp, and it was impossible not to appreciate Mr Secretary and his people's concern. Much of the quite attractive jungle country has been laid waste by bulldozers and many of the trees which afforded good possum hunting are gone. Part of the creek has been filled in to make way for what appears to be the inevitable road making and housing development in a comparatively [sic] small area, whilst on the other side of Bagot Road lies the vast area controlled by the R.A.A.F. The question could be asked, "why don't they go to Bagot?", but the point is that they do not want to go to Bagot, and at this stage are determined not to.' 387 Further sit-down protests at Bagot Road were held on 1 November 1971, and 23 November 1971. At the former, 29 people, seven of who were Larrakia people, including Bobby Secretary and his nephew Johnny Fejo, participated. Approximately 15 people attended the latter. On 8 November 1971, it was reported in the Northern Territory Times that a group of 5 Larrakia people had raised a flag to the top of the pole outside the Supreme Court, to 'claim Darwin back for the Aboriginal people'. All of these activities were reported to have been led by Bobby Secretary. In October 1972, a group of Aboriginal people camped outside of Government House, wishing to present a land rights petition, containing 1000 signatures, to Princess Margaret, who was touring Australia at the time. There was no indication in the article that any Larrakia people had signed the petition. Previously, in March that year, the Larrakia people had sent the Prime Minister a petition containing 1000 signatures, requesting that the Government to appoint a Commission to approach every Aboriginal group to negotiate separate tailored treaties. During cross-examination, Dr Wells said that only five Larrakia men had signed the treaty. 388 Dr Wells agreed with Mr Hughston's suggestion that a characteristic of the land rights protests in the early 1970's was that a very small number of Larrakia people were involved. Dr Wells said that she had focused on the fact that the Larrakia people were asserting their rights to land, rather than on the number of people participating in the demonstrations. Mr Hughston further suggested that it was significant that the historical record demonstrated that only a very small group of Larrakia people identified themselves as 'Larrakia' during this period, whilst the current applicant group is comprised of approximately 1200 members, of both full descent and mixed descent. Dr Wells said that during the 1970's land rights era there was clearly a small band of full-descent Aboriginal people who identified themselves as 'Larrakia'. In contrast, there is nothing in the historical record to indicate whether or not there were people of mixed descent who also identified themselves as members of the Larrakia tribe. The Territory in its written submissions submitted that people of mixed descent were not motivated to become involved in any attempts by the Larrakia people to regain their land. Indeed it is noteworthy that the historical record shows that people of mixed descent did not participate in any of the demonstrations outlined above. 389 The Territory submitted that at this point in time few people considered themselves to be 'Larrakia', and that there were not many people considered by the community to be 'Larrakia'. 390 An investigation by the Northern Territory Administration into the land claim at Kulaluk refused the Larrakia people's application in September 1971. In a report entitled 'Traditional Camping Area, Nightcliff - Known as Kulaluk', W Gray, a 'project officer', advised the Administration that the Kulaluk site was no longer of ceremonial significance to Aboriginal people. It is useful to set out part of the report as follows: 'A group of Aboriginals referring to themselves as Larrakeyah people approached the Welfare Division in 1971 seeking assistance in obtaining official permission for them to live beside this waterhole. They claimed the site as a traditional camping ground and expressed concern that town development would encroach upon and eventually obliterate the site. At that stage the leader of the group Mr. Bobby Secretary was not well versed in the traditional significance of the site and said that he would be getting more information on this from older people including a Mr. Tom Lyons who resides at Delissaville. […] Mr. Tom Lyons travelled from Delissaville to Darwin for the purpose of discussing the significance of the site known as Kulaluk with Mr. Bobby Secretary, Norman Harris and others who at present were claiming ownership of that particular area. Mr. Lyons visited the site and the following day came to this office to discuss the matter. The following is a report of what Mr. Lyons told me regarding the site known as Kulaluk. The site was indeed at one time regarded by members of the Larrakeyah tribe as an area of some significance. Kulaluk referred to a continually running spring which is now in fact a small waterhole … . This waterhole still exists and is fed by the same spring. Mr. Lyons remembers that on approximately three or four occasions ceremonies (circumcision?) were held at this particular site. The area was taboo to women and uninitiated males and was also avoided by the Larrakeyah people. From my discussion it would appear that Kulaluk was a ceremonial ground of some importance. Asked whether or not the ground still held that same significance, Mr. Lyons was adamant in that due to the fact that women and uninitiated persons have camped on the site, the area can no longer be regarded as being special. […] Mr. Lyons indicated that he had no intention or wish to return to Kalaluk [sic] and gave me to understand that the area was not regarded as a camping ground. He did indicate, however, that as the people who had connections with Larrakeyah were now camping there, he had no objections if they continued to do so. So far as he was concerned, the area was no longer of any significance. […] Summarising, it would appear to me that we have a group of people with many tribal affiliations squatting near a small waterhole which at one time or another had certain significance to members of the Larrakeyah tribe. The importance of the area diminished along with the decreased in numbers of that particular tribe and with the advent of various people, both male and female camping in that area. I would say: (a) that it would be very difficult to estimate the numbers of Aboriginals who have traditionally used the site as a camping area. I would suggest that any Aboriginal who knew the significance of that area would never have used the site as a camping area; consequently I feel that it would be wrong to say that the area was ever a traditional camping area. Certainly with the passing of time the area would have become a convenient spot of reset and replenish for those who were not aware of the traditional significance of the site. […] (b) as to whether or not the waterhole and its immediate environs form any part of the Aboriginal myth, story or song, I can only repeat that Mr. Lyons regarded the area as a site where a certain ceremony was performed and that the site itself was taboo to all women, children and uninitiated males. These taboos have long since been violated and consequently Mr. Lyons regards the place as having no significance.' 391 The determination of the Northern Territory Administration was reported on 9 September 1971 in the Northern Territory News. That article reported that the '15 or so remaining Larrakia prefer to live [at Kulaluk] than at Bagot reserve' and that the Administration had rejected the claim on the basis that 'it was no longer of ceremonial significance' because 'women and uninitiated people now had access to the region'. The article also observed that the Administration had said that 'only one of the remaining families could be traced definitely as Larrakia.' In the article Bobby Secretary said that he was disappointed in the Administration's decision, and that if the Administration wanted them to move from Kulaluk, compensation should be paid. Bobby Secretary also stated that he did not want to remove to Bagot, because of 'trouble and inter-tribal hostility', nor to Delissaville: 'I am Darwin born and bred … and I want to die here.' 392 The Territory in its written submissions suggested that the land claims were made by Bobby Secretary, for the 'remaining members of the tribe', rather than by the 'Larrakia people'. I reject this submission on the basis that there is evidence that other Larrakia people of full descent participated in the land claims. Bobby Secretary was simply the public leader of the group, as attested to by the various newspaper articles of the time. 393 In 1995 Topsy Secretary provided information to Mark Harvey, a linguist, in relation to the continuing cultural importance of the Kulaluk site concerning a particular dreaming. As the detail of that dreaming is in a document to which access is restricted, I shall not detail it. It was included in Dr Wells' report. Mr Hiley for the DCC challenged Dr Wells in relation to the reliance she placed on source material, suggesting that Dr Wells relied less on the information provided by Tommy Lyons than on that provided by Bobby Secretary and Topsy Secretary. Mr Hiley suggested this reliance was misplaced, considering that Bobby Secretary had deferred to Tommy Lyons in relation to traditional matters. Dr Wells responded that she had given more weight to 'the people who were resident on the land', indicating that whilst Bobby Secretary and Topsy Secretary lived in the Kulaluk region, Tommy Lyons lived at Belyuen. Again, however, it is noteworthy that in cross-examination, Dr Wells agreed that she could not recall seeing any reference to a significant cultural site existing at Kulaluk before the 1970's. 394 The Territory also submitted more generally that the cultural knowledge held by Larrakia people was limited, as evidenced by Bobby Secretary's reliance on Tommy Lyons Imabul. I deal with the issue of the Larrakia people's level of cultural knowledge during this period below. 395 Justice Woodward, a Federal Court judge, was commissioned on 8 February 1973 to conduct an inquiry into the 'appropriate means to recognise and establish the traditional rights and interests of the Aborigines in and in relation to land, and to satisfy in other ways the reasonable aspirations of the Aborigines to rights in or in relation to land.' Justice Woodward was assisted by Dr Nicholas Peterson, an eminent Australian anthropologist. He visited Kulaluk in 1973 and subsequently prepared two reports: 'Aboriginal Land Rights Commission: First Report', in July 1973, and 'Aboriginal Land Rights Commission: Second Report', in April 1974. The Second Report formed the basis of a Bill on Aboriginal land rights. 396 As part of his meetings with people in Darwin and at Kulaluk, Justice Woodward met with Patrol Officer Jeremy Long, who informed his Honour that the Kulaluk claim 'is regarded as the strongest traditional land claim in Australian towns.' 397 In his First Report, Justice Woodward observed in relation to the Kulaluk claim: 'A more difficult question is raised by the few remaining members of the Larrakia tribe who, in discussion with me, have laid claim particularly to an area of waterfront land between Bagot and Nightcliff which they call Kulaluk. When I met them I was told that there are some 18 members of the tribe now left. Later information suggests that fewer than this number can trace paternal descent from the Larrakia, but there are more who identify themselves as Larrakia because of maternal links. They have told me that the whole of Darwin is built on Larrakia country and written claims submitted on their behalf include claims to several parts of the city, the Larrakeyah Reserve of 1˝ square miles south of Darwin and 660 acres of land in Darwin to replace land excised from the Bagot Reserve in 1965. […] The Larrakia group raise some special problems. Clearly they are entitled to consideration as a group wanting to live as a small community and to do so on some part of the traditional lands of their tribe. Whether they should be free to choose the particular site in a developing city such as Darwin raises different questions. One question is the length and extent of their attachment to the area in question; it may have belonged to a different clan of their tribe.' 398 Justice Woodward in his second report repeated his observations about the Larrakia people, adding that the Department of Aboriginal Affairs survey showed 'a total of 28 Aborigines who identify themselves as Larrakia, of whom 17 live in Darwin.' His Honour further stated: 'I have no doubt that the Larrakia people were the traditional owners of what is now the whole Darwin area. Some of the survivors, together with a few other Aborigines, have formed an organization calling itself Gwala Daraniki. The secretary of this organization, a white man, has achieved remarkable results in obtaining press coverage and other forms of publicity for the claims of this group. In the result, Kulaluk has become something of a symbol of the stand which Aborigines, with help and guidance from many different sources, are now making against the past tendency to put their interests last in any consideration of land usage. It is true that only a small number of Aborigines have camped regularly at Kulaluk in recent years, but the publicity their case has received has been sufficient to cause the Government to step in and half the further development of the area as a residential sub-division, until at least the making of this report.' 399 Justice Woodward advised that the Government should acquire the vacant land at Kulaluk for 'Aboriginal living purposes, paying the necessary compensation to those whose interests in the land would be extinguished by such acquisition.' His Honour considered that this action would demonstrate the 'Government's willingness to give effect to reasonable Aboriginal aspirations to land' and be 'entirely consistent with the general principles set out above'. Justice Woodward also counselled that the title 'should be the same as applies to other members of the urban community - in this case, leasehold. I say this … because I do not believe traditional ownership in the sense in which that expression is used throughout this report, could be established in Darwin'. The Territory relied on this statement, as well as on his Honour's use of past tense in saying that the Larrakia people 'were the traditional owners'. 400 His Honour came to the conclusion that there were very few remaining members of what he described as the Larrakia tribe. It was agreed between the parties to the current proceedings that Justice Woodward used the term 'traditional owner' in the sense of a Larrakia person of patrilineal full-descent. 401 Justice Ward was appointed Interim Aboriginal Land Commissioner in April 1975, and held a public inquiry into the Kulaluk claim before the land rights legislation had been ratified. His report, published on 23 June 1975, recommended that a Special Purpose Lease be granted in perpetuity 'for the purpose of establishing, developing and maintaining a communal settlement for the use of the Larrakia and other associated Aboriginal people and ancillary purposes.' 402 Various factors contributed to the long delay in granting the Kulaluk Special Purpose Lease to the Larrakia people. One such factor was the construction of a major road through the land. District Adviser J K Doolan was requested to report on any Aboriginal burial sites in the area. Doolan was escorted by Victor Williams, a Larrakia man, who advised him that 'there could be as many as two hundred people buried there'. Doolan also collected information in relation to the ancestors of the Larrakia people whose names were listed beside a map of the Kulaluk claim painted on the outside wall of a house at Kulaluk. Such names included Bobby Secretary, Prince of Wales, Topsy Kurramanak, Dolly Gurinyi, Topsy Secretary, Harriet Ababa, Gabriel Secretary, Imabul Tommy Lyons, Barral Norman Harris, Olga Lyons, Johnny Fejo, Kathy Secretary, Captain Bishop and Victor Williams. Doolan concluded, 'This would give a total of 7 people who are full Larrakia, 3 who could claim to be Larrakia through the maternal line, and 4 who could claim to be Larrakia through the paternal line.' 403 The Kulaluk Special Purpose Lease was granted to the Larrakia people on 25 August 1979. Chief Minister Paul Everingham presented the title to Bobby Secretary, stating '[t]he land on which Darwin is situated belonged to the Larrakia before the white man first came to the Northern Territory, and now Mr Bobby Secretary is to receive the title to part of their land.' Topsy Secretary is reported in the Northern Territory News dated 27 August 1979 as having said 'I'm really proud of it. This is the land our fathers left us.'

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Gundal Land Claim 404 In the early 1970's the Larrakia people lodged a land claim over the men's ceremonial site 'Gundal' on Point Emery, in the vicinity of the Larrakeyah Army Barracks. 405 In May 1973, the Northern Territory News reported that a group of Larrakia people, including Dolly Gurinyi, Victor Williams, Bobby Secretary, Captain Bishop and Norman Harris, had inspected the Larrakeyah Army Barracks for the purposes of collecting information to present to Justice Woodward. The article recorded that Dolly said that 'it has been a long, long time' as she 'looked out over Emery Point, known to her people in earlier times as Gundalwa - their most sacred ceremonial ground.' The group 'identified Emery Point as one of the tribe's most sacred ceremonial grounds and another area, near squadron headquarters, Matlamanning, as a second tribal site.' The article further stated that Dolly Gurinyi was 'one of a handful of Aboriginals who claim to be the remaining members of the Larrakia tribe', and that it had been 50 years since Dolly had 'set foot on the area which was once her home'. The group of Larrakia people had to wait six months before being permitted to enter the reserve, and said that 'by rights they could have asked for "free access rights" to their old ceremonial grounds, but that they had gone through the same channels as others.' 406 Visits were made to Gundal in June and July 1975 by Bill Day, Barral Norman Harris, Tommy Imabul, Sam Fejo and George Munggalu. Dr Wells reported that George Munggalu had 'stressed the importance of the site and wanted it made into "nice country again" with access by women restricted.' In contrast, in an unpublished 'Report on sites of significance in the Larrakeyah Barracks - Emery Point area' by Michael Walsh (Walsh's report), it was recorded that: 'George Munggalu on a trip to Gundal on 22 May 1981 … pointed out that now it was alright for Aboriginal women and children to go right to the end of the point but "not before". […] All Aborigines I spoke to appeared to be keen to have access to the site. … Topsy Secretary wanted to see a fence put up. … No other Aborigines I spoke to gave a clear indication that they wanted anything more than limited access. In fact George Munggalu, ceremonial leader, stated that the area, whilst important in the past, was now open to anyone including Aboriginal women and children.' 407 Dr Wells in cross-examination said that she had relied on an interview transcript between Bill Day and George Munggalu, taken on 1 July 1975, during which George Munggalu was asked, 'Do you want that land [Gundal] to be for you people again?' George Munggalu responded, 'Yes we want it, that very important to us, you leave it alone, just make it park, no women there, make it nice country again.' The Territory noted that that interview took place approximately six years before the visit to Gundal in 1981, reported by Dr Walsh. 408 In another interview between Bill Day, Tommy Imabul and Sam Fejo, it was decided between Tommy Imabul and Sam Fejo that the latter would remain outside the ceremony place, because he was 'not allowed in that place'. Tommy Imabul then showed Bill Day where 'men's business' had taken place, explained the roles taken on by various people, and said that 'You tell that government no building here'. 409 Victor Williams, in a written statement annexed to Walsh's report, recounted: 'in the old days Goondal use to be the ceremony ground for initiations and that was out of bounds to young people. I remember well those days. I was eight or nine and mum was a Larrakia. Women folk and younger people had to stand well away, you see the men but only a ring of people. … Aunty Dolly, she began to cry when we visited Goondal last year because it was the first time she put her foot on the ground there. In her younger days she wasn't allowed. … When the Army took over the ceremonies stopped.' 410 Topsy Secretary, in her written statement annexed to Walsh's report, said that her father had given the area to the Army because it was 'better than married people because army men won't let women to go near Goondal so much.' Norman Harris Barral recounted: 'We was playing down Cullen Beach all young boy. After that old men make a Sunday Corrobbree [sic] and we all went to Sunday business. Climb up on top of hill. After that we sit down there - people bring food - not for boys for old people. Three months lock up native way for boys at Goondal. Not clothes, no women allowed. Army wasn't there, scrub. No white people allowed to see all naked boy. Old men give us hiding from stick and all that, teach us law. … Even police can't come, old people stop them before. When finished we paint up and go down to women. White people stop us, not to do anymore. … We not using that place any more, too many ladies everybody walking around, no scrub everyone can see. We can't have business where lot of people around. … We like to have Goondal for Aborigines people, any tribe.' 411 Norman Harris Barral also said that 'Another place … Two Fella Creek, thats business place we call Daramungamunie. We go with canoe from Goondal.' Dr Wells referred to this as highlighting the alleged shift of the ceremony from the Point Emery region to across the harbour. I deal with this material further later in these reasons. 412 Dr Wells agreed that the historical records demonstrate that the Gundal area ceased to be used as a ceremonial site from between 1927 and 1933, when the military base was established. 413 Justice Ward, the Interim Aboriginal Land Commissioner, recommended that the Gundal area be granted in perpetuity as a Special Purpose Lease and that the purpose of the lease be for the use of the Larrakia and associated Aboriginal people as a sacred, ceremonial and traditional site and for ancillary purposes. 414 Justice Ward, referring to a plan of the site, said: 'The claim is in respect of the land as a sacred, ceremonial and traditional site and I have no doubt that historically this can be and is substantially supported. … Line "A" [on the plan] is a line beyond which women were not permitted to go. Line "B" is a line to which food was brought by the women and left for those participating in the ceremonies. Line "D" is a line beyond which children were not permitted to go.' 415 The plan of the site was included in Walsh's report. Line 'A' is on the point itself. The Territory relied on Ward J's use of past tense when describing where the women were not permitted to go. There was conflicting evidence given in both the current proceedings and the Kenbi Claim as to whether women were allowed inside the gates of the Larrakeyah Barracks at all. Helen Secretary, Barbara Raymond, Yula Williams and JF gave evidence that women could not enter the Larrakeyah Barracks. Victor Williams and Maureen Ogden gave evidence that women could go into the Barracks, but not up onto the point. Victor Williams in his statement annexed to Walsh's report said that Dolly Gurinyi, his aunt, had cried when she first visited Gundal because 'it was the first time she put her foot on the ground there. In her younger days she wasn't allowed. … Aunty … use to be a cook with the Australian Women's Auxiliary Service and in charge of the employment for girls working in the barracks. But she didn't go to the point even then. … When the Army took over the ceremonies stopped. The ceremony ground comes from the point right to the Sergeants Mess. The Sergeants Mess is on the line where the women folk used to stand.' 416 The Territory challenged Dr Well's reliance on Walsh's report in relation to the land claim at Gundal, on the basis that, since Dr Walsh also co-authored the claim book in the first Kenbi Claim, it was self-serving evidence. In Allied Interstate (Qld) Pty Limited v Barnes (1968) 118 CLR 581 at 585, Barwick CJ said that the weight of self-serving statements is a matter for the Court. Further, Barwick CJ said that while the weight accorded to self-serving statements may not always be great, where such a statement is made under exposure of immediate checking and under penalty for falsity it is 'impossible not to give it any weight'. Dr Walsh as an expert witness was under a duty to the Court. Further, in his report, relied on by Dr Wells, Dr Walsh specified his sources of information. In these circumstances, I propose to give some weight to his report. 417 Due to the construction of the Army barracks at Emery Point, the ceremonies were discontinued at Gundal at some point between 1927 and 1933. A few years later the Kahlin Compound ceased to exist. 418 In Walsh's report, referred to by Dr Wells, Dr Walsh cited a 1936 report to the Administrator by W B Kirkland, the Chief Protector of Aborigines of the time, that the ceremonies had been transferred to a more isolated location on the Cox Peninsula: 'It was gleaned that ceremonial centres in the vicinity of Darwin had been abandoned for several years and that initiation ceremonies were now conducted some five miles from Darwin, entailing a voyage across the harbour by canoe …'. 419 Dr Walsh also recorded that a Limilngan man, Felix Holmes, had identified two Larrakia ceremonial sites: Bilurrgwa on Shoal Bay and Mayilmilma near Bankey's Jungle, where people from all groups in the area participated. Felix Holmes said that: 'If you had put a tape on the ceremony ground at Oenpelli and you had taken another tape at Daramanggamaning (a ceremonial site on the north coast of the Cox Peninsula), it would have been the same.' 420 Dr Walsh further recorded that 'Holmes also stated that the ceremonies shift to Darwin, presumably meaning Gundal, and then to Daramanggamaning after the site became unsuitable through the presence of the army barracks.' According to Walsh's report, 'Frank Secretary, Tommy Lyons Imabulg, King George, Billy Minyinma all participated in ceremonies at Gundal … . Since the ceremonies have been transferred to other ceremonies those who have participated in the same kind of ceremonies performed at Gundal include: Nipper Rankin, Johnny Biyanamu, Roy Madbulg, Tommy Barradjab, Felix Holmes, George Munggalu, Norman Harris, Captain Bishop.'

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Land Claim over Dariba Nunggalinya 421 The Larrakia people lodged a land claim over Dariba Nungalinya, known as 'Old Man Rock' around the same time as the Kulaluk and Gundal land claims were lodged. Previously, in 1931 the Northern Territory Times had reported on an earth tremor in Darwin, recording that a 'Larrakeeyah native' insisted that the tremor occurred 'because a certain King God turned over in his sleep. According to this informant there is a large stone or rock situated close to Casuarina Beach (is it Old Man Rock?) and reached by the tides at certain times. This rock is or was the First Aboriginal and the maker or beginner of the aboriginals of Australia. This king god sleeps near Casuarina Beach and occasionally when disturbed turns over in his sleep causing the whole earth to shake with his movements.' 422 The Adelaide Advertiser had published a similar article in 1931 referring to 'a large stone close to the sea' at Casuarina, believed to be 'the King God, the first aborigine and creator of all others'. 423 Dr Wells agreed with Mr Hughston in cross-examination that only one Larrakia person is referred to in the article in the Northern Territory Times as a source. Mr Hughston also suggested that the description of the 'large stone or rock situated close to Casuarina Beach … and reached by the tides at certain times' does not accord with the current location of Old Man Rock, which sits 'several hundred yards out to sea'. Dr Wells agreed that an inconsistency existed, which she sought to explain on the basis of a 'cross-cultural misunderstanding', saying 'I think it's [the article] referring to the top of the rock, which Larrakia people … believe … is the head of the old man.' 424 In 1975 Bobby Secretary made a submission to Interim Commissioner Ward which stated 'Dariba Noongalinya, he is the dreaming place long long time ago may be a thousand years. Travelling around the country, came to here and turned to rock. If the white man put something there, something bad happen to this place Darwin … We want this place, nobody can touch it. … It is our job to look after it … Daribah Noongalinya belongs to Larrakia.' Nipper Rankin, who also made a submission, said that 'It is a very important place for Larrakia. Better you ask Tommy Lyons, Imabul, he's the leader for business now'. In 1982 the Aboriginal Sacred Sites Protection Authority approved the registration of Old Man Rock as a 'sacred site', restricting access without the permission of the Aboriginal Areas Protection Authority. 425 In 1994, Topsy Secretary spoke to the Northern Territory News and said that Dariba Nungalinya would cause danger if disturbed: 'Dariba Nungalinya is a real sacred site. It's not a joke. People might think it's superstitious but it's not, it's real.' It was also reported that Topsy Secretary had said that Dariba Nungalinya was responsible for Cyclone Tracy in 1974. 426 Dr Wells said that she could not recall any references in the historical record to Old Man Rock between 1931, when the articles in the Northern Territory Times and the Adelaide Advertiser were published, and the 1970's.

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The Kenbi Claim 427 The Kenbi Claim was a traditional land claim brought pursuant to the ALR Act. The Aboriginal Land Commissioner, Justice Gray, described it as the 'most complex land claim in the history of the Land Rights Act'. Section 3 of the Land Rights Act defines 'traditional land claim' to mean a claim by or on behalf of the traditional Aboriginal owners of the land arising out of their traditional ownership. As I noted above, it concerned an extensive area of land on the Cox Peninsula. 428 The Kenbi Claim was first lodged in 1979. It was the subject of two separate hearings, one before Justice Olney as the then Aboriginal Land Rights Commissioner in 1989-1990. The findings in his Report were set aside by the Federal Court (see Northern Land Council v Olney (1992) 34 FCR 470). The second hearing was before Justice Gray between 1995 and 1999. 429 There were four separate and competing claim groups. Each sought to be recognised as the traditional owners of the land in question. These groups included the Larrakia group, and the Danggalaba group. There was also the Tommy Lyons group, and the Belyuen group. Unlike the Tommy Lyons and the Danggalaba groups, the Belyuen group does not have any link with 'Larrakia' country apart from the Kenbi claim area. It is accepted that the Larrakia group in the current proceedings is the same as in the Kenbi Claim proceedings. Some of the people identified as Danggalaba group members in the Kenbi Claim are among the second applicants in the current proceedings. 430 Although the Kenbi Claim was brought under the ALR Act, evidence presented during its hearings, in particular about the relationship of Aboriginal people to land and waters, is also relevant to the current proceedings. 431 Section 86 of the NT Act provides as follows: 'Subject to subsection 82(1), the Federal Court may: (a) receive into evidence the transcript of evidence in any other proceedings before: (i) the Court; or (ii) another court; or (iii) the NNTT; or (iv) a recognised State/Territory body; or (v) any other person or body; and draw any conclusions of fact from that transcript that it thinks proper; and (b) receive into evidence the transcript of evidence in any proceedings before the assessor and draw any conclusions of fact from that transcript that it thinks proper; and (c) adopt any recommendation, finding, decision or judgment of any court, person or body of a kind mentioned in any of subparagraphs (a)(i) to (v).' 432 Proceedings before the Aboriginal Land Commissioner do not fall within the descriptions in s 86(a)(i)-(iv). However, consistent with the approach of Olney J in The Wandarang, Alawa, Marra and Ngalakan Peoples v Northern Territory (2000) 104 FCR 380, I approach the matter on the basis that the Aboriginal Land Commissioner is 'any other person or body' within the meaning of s 86(a)(v) of the NT Act. Both the applicants and the Territory accepted that. In accordance with s 86, I received into evidence extensive transcripts of evidence in the Kenbi Claim. 433 On 5 June 2002 I made the following order: '2. If a party proposes to apply to the Court for an order pursuant to section 86 of the Native Title Act that party shall file and serve on or before 2 August 2002 a note setting out with full and detailed particulars the evidence or the recommendation, finding, decision or judgment that is the subject of the proposed application.' 434 Notices were filed and served by both the first applicants and the Territory. The notices have been overtaken by an agreed table of Kenbi Claim transcript. This agreed table of transcript, tendered by consent by the first applicants and the Territory, was received by the Court without objection by any party. The transcript which has been tendered amounts to thousands of pages, and it contains evidence from many of the witnesses called in the current proceedings. 435 The first applicants sought to have this Court adopt certain findings made by Justice Gray in the Kenbi Report. In its Amended Final Notice of Application for Orders pursuant to s 86 Native Title Act, filed 9 July 2003, the first applicants listed the findings of the Commissioner which it wished the Court to adopt, as follows: Paragraph of Kenbi Report Description of contents

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436 The Territory submitted that these findings ought not be adopted. In particular, it challenged the adoption of the findings that the Larrakia people had a right to forage, had a traditional attachment to and were entitled by Aboriginal law and custom to use or occupy the Cox Peninsula. The findings were challenged on the basis that they were comprised of findings of fact and law, and were made in accordance with the requirements of the ALR Act, and so do not directly or readily transpose into findings applicable under the NT Act. 437 There is no precise correspondence between the proof requirements under the NT Act and those for a claim under the ALR Act. Section 3 of the ALR Act defines 'traditional Aboriginal owners' as including that they be a local descent group of Aboriginals who have common spiritual affiliations, being affiliations that place that group under a primary spiritual responsibility for the particular land. It is a term which does not include all those Aboriginals who may have a traditional right to use or occupy the land: cf s 71(1) of the ALR Act, and the discussion by Northrop, Hill and O'Loughlin J in Northern Land Council v Olney (1992) 34 FCR 470 at 478-485. The Territory contended that since Justice Gray's findings were made in accordance with the ALR Act, and because they included findings of law or of mixed fact and law, it is not appropriate to adopt them in this matter. 438 Despite its objections to the first applicants' submissions, the Territory in its submissions on connection referred to the findings of Justice Gray in his Summary to the Kenbi Report, paras [17]-[20] and [24]. These findings were as follows: 'It is well known that Aboriginal societies traditionally impart knowledge to their members progressively. It is clear that the Belyuen group functions in this manner. Its members hold knowledge relating to dreamings and their relationship to sites on the land claimed. The degrees of knowledge held depend upon initiation, age and experience. There is a considerable amount of ceremonial activity, often involving people who do not live at Belyuen, as well as those who do. Some senior people are identified as leaders. Those who have been born with entitlements to knowledge are considered not to have lost those entitlements, even if they have moved away to live; such spiritual affiliations as those persons have acquired by birth as members of the group will remain. So far as most of its members are concerned, the Larrakia group does not have the characteristics of Aboriginal society that have been described. The events which have occurred since the establishment of the first European settlement in 1869 have had drastic effects on the society which once existed among members of the Larrakia language group. To a very great extent, knowledge of dreamings and sites has been lost to Larrakia people. Young people are not routinely initiated into adulthood. Ceremonial activity has ceased. There had not been a consistent spiritual tradition, handed down from generation to generation, among those who are said to constitute that group. … At its heart, the case put on behalf of the Larrakia group is that the possession of any Larrakia ancestry entitles a person by birth to all of the spiritual affiliations available in respect of all the dreamings so far as they relate to all of the sites on or near the land claimed. I am unable to accept this argument. … With respect to the Larrakia group, the position is much more difficult. There can be no doubt that some members of the Larrakia group have spiritual affiliations to sites on the land claimed. Others have affiliations to the land itself, rather than to specific sites. In my view, the absence of a detailed common tradition of spiritual affiliations with sites, handed down from generation to generation to members of the Larrakia group, has resulted in the development of different spiritual responses on the part of different people. In the absence of such a tradition, it is difficult to make findings as to the nature of the spiritual affiliations, if any, of the many Larrakia group claimants who did not give any evidence. The lack of the regular practice of ceremonial activity related to dreamings and sites, and of the staged acquisition of knowledge in association with that ceremonial activity, has resulted in different members of the Larrakia group having spiritual affiliations that differ essentially in many ways. As such, to attempt to speak of spiritual affiliations which are "common" to the members of the Larrakia group would be unreal.' 439 The issue is whether any findings of the Land Rights Commissioner in the Kenbi Report ought be adopted in this matter, in circumstances where that course of action is not consensual. 440 Section 86(c) was inserted in the NT Act by theamending Act. There is nothing in either the Explanatory Memorandum to that Act or the Second Reading Speech that addresses the issue. The predecessor to s 86 was clause 79 of the Native Title Bill 1993 (Cth), which provided that 'The Court can … take into consideration any relevant recommendations and decisions made by an assessor, any other court or any other body'. The relevant passage in the Explanatory Memorandum to that Bill reads as follows: 'This means that the Court can save time or resources by choosing not to reconsider matters that have already been canvassed in earlier proceedings.' 441 In Phillips v State of Western Australia [2000] FCA 1274, Carr J was asked to strike out certain applications for a determination of native title over an area of land in Western Australia. A delegate of the Native Title Registrar had previously decided that the applications would not be accepted for registration. The respondent submitted that the Court ought to adopt the delegate's decision pursuant to s 86(c). His Honour concluded that he would not adopt the earlier findings by the delegate of the Native Title Registrar. However, His Honour said at [16]: 'In respect of non-controversial matters, there might well be a saving of time and resources if the Court were to exercise its discretion to adopt particular findings or decisions of a court person or body of a kind mentioned in s 86. There might also be cases where that would be an appropriate exercise of the discretion even in contentious matters. That would depend upon the subject matter of the proposed adoption and the circumstances of each case.' 442 In the current proceedings, I am inclined not to adopt any of the findings of the Land Rights Commissioner in the Kenbi Report. The Kenbi Claim covered a claim area distinct from that involved in these proceedings. Not all of the witnesses who gave evidence before his Honour were called in these proceedings, for various reasons. The expert evidence was in part from different witnesses. The expert evidence too related to the different issues which arose under the ALR Act, and was in respect of different land. The matters to which those findings relate have also been, to varying degrees, the subject of additional and in some instances different evidence in the current proceedings. Those considerations have led me to the view which I have expressed. 443 I have addressed in part the evidence during the Kenbi Claim in the course of my findings above. I will refer to it further below.

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The Form of the Anthropological Evidence 446 Mr Robert Graham gave expert anthropological evidence before the Court over four days. The first applicants tendered two reports authored by Mr Graham, one dated March 2002, and a supplementary report dated May 2003. 447 The Territory and the DCC gave a detailed list called a 'notice of objections' to the first applicants' experts' reports. This notice outlined 111 objections to the report dated March 2002, and 18 objections to the supplementary report. 448 The objections were subject to various provisional rulings. Some parts of the reports were received despite the objections, other parts were not received, and others were received pursuant to s 136 of the Evidence Act, that is, limited from being evidence of the truth of what is recorded. Other sections were received as a summary of views expressed in the body of the report or conclusions based only upon the material in the body of the report. Finally, I deferred ruling on certain sections of the reports until the applicants had the opportunity to elicit the required information from Mr Graham in examination-in-chief. Prior to the commencement of examination-in-chief of Mr Graham, Mr Parsons, for the first applicants indicated that a small number of the provisional rulings were disputed. The respondents did not challenge any of the provisional rulings. 449 On that basis, I informed the parties that I would treat the provisional rulings (apart from those rulings contested by the first applicant) as final rulings. In relation to the remaining objections, I made rulings on these objections throughout the examination-in-chief of Mr Graham. The procedure which I followed is now conventional. Other recent native title determination applications have dealt with objections to expert reports in a similar fashion. See Daniel at [230]; Daniel v State of Western Australia [2000] FCA 1356; and Neowarra v State of Western Australia (No 1) (2003) 134 FCR 208 (Neowarra) at [11]. However, in view of the extensive submissions on the objections, it is apt that I should explain in a little detail my reasons for my ruling. 450 The relevant provisions of the Evidence Act have been analysed in cases such as Daniel v State of Western Australia (2000) 178 ALR 542, Neowarra and in Harrington-Smith on behalf of the Wongatha People v State of Western Australia (No 2) (2003) FCA 893 (Harrington-Smith). I respectfully adopt those analyses. It is therefore necessary to refer only briefly to its provisions. 451 Section 82(1) of the NT Act relevantly provides that in native title proceedings the Court is bound by the rules of evidence. It was inserted in the NT Act by the amending Act. 452 Section 56 of the Evidence Act is the starting point for any consideration of the admissibility of evidence. Section 56(1) provides that evidence that is relevant is admissible. Section 55(1) provides that evidence is relevant if it could rationally affect (directly or indirectly) the assessment of the probability of the existence of a fact. Generally, opinion evidence is 'not admissible to prove the existence of a fact about the existence of which the opinion was expressed': s 76(1) Evidence Act. Section 79 of that Act relevantly provides that '[i]f a person has specialised knowledge based on the person's training, study or experience, the opinion rule does not apply to evidence of an opinion of that person that is wholly or substantially based on that knowledge.' Section 80 provides that opinion evidence is not inadmissible only because it is about (a) a fact in issue or an ultimate issue or (b) a matter of common knowledge. 453 It is also useful to note the hearsay provisions in the Evidence Act. Section 59(1) provides that evidence of a previous representation made by a person is not admissible to prove the existence of a fact that the person intended to assert by the representation. Section 60 limits the application of the hearsay rule by stating that it does not apply to evidence of a previous representation that is admitted because it is relevant for a purpose other than proof of the fact intended to be asserted by the representation. 454 The Court has the general discretion to refuse to admit evidence if its probative value is substantially outweighed by the danger that the evidence might be unfairly prejudicial to a party: s 135(a). If there is a danger that particular evidence may be unfairly prejudicial to a party, the Court may limit the use to be made of that evidence: s 136. 455 In Harrington-Smith Lindgren J outlined at [20] what must be shown to establish the admissibility of evidence of expert opinion: '(a) that the opinion is relevant (including that the field of knowledge is one in which expert opinion can properly be called (see Cross on Evidence (Australian ed) at [29050]) (Evidence Act ss 55,56); (b) that the person put forward as an expert possesses specialised knowledge in that field (Evidence Act s 79); (d) that the specialised knowledge is based on the person's training, study or experience (Evidence Act s 79);and (e) that the particular opinion tendered is based on the specialised knowledge (Evidence Act s 79).' 456 In that case Lindgren J was faced with 30 expert reports, to which 1426 objections had been lodged. His Honour stated at [18] - [19]: '…in the case of many of the experts' reports, little or no attempt seems to have been made to address in a systematic way the requirements for the admissibility of evidence of expert opinion [under the Evidence Act]. Counsel protested that, in order to ensure that the requirements of admissibility are met, lawyers would have to become involved in the writing of the reports of expert witnesses. In the same vein, counsel said, in supporting the admission of certain parts of a report, that they were written in the way in which those qualified in the particular discipline are accustomed to write. Lawyers should be involved in the writing of the reports by experts: not, of course, in relation to the substance of the reports (in particular, in arriving at the opinions to be expressed); but in relation to their form, in order to ensure that the legal tests of admissibility are addressed. In the same vein, it is not the law that admissibility is attracted by nothing more than the writing of a report in accordance with the conventions of an expert's particular field of scholarship.' [emphasis included in original] Lindgren J listed as one of the faults of the expert reports before the Court that they did not 'distinguish between the assumed facts on which an opinion is based and the opinion itself (cf Trade Practices Commission v Arnotts Ltd (No 5) (1990) 21 FCR 324 (Beaumont J) at 327-330; upheld on appeal in Arnotts Ltd v Trade Practices Commission (1990) 24 FCR 313 at 347-353; HG v The Queen (1999) 197 CLR 414 at [39] per Gleeson CJ; Makita at [85] per Heydon JA).' (at [21]) 457 His Honour observed at [24] - [25] that 'the Evidence Act does not, in terms, require, as a condition of admissibility, that an expert witness state distinctly and fully the facts assumed as the basis of his or her opinion: cf ALRC Report No 26 ('Evidence') vol 1, par 750; Quick v Stoland Pty Ltd (1998) 87 FCR 371 at 373-374 per Branson J; Daniel v State of Western Australia (2000) 178 ALR 542 (RD Nicholson J) at [5]; Sydneywide Distributors Pty Ltd v Red Bull Australia Pty Ltd (2002) 55 IPR 354 per Branson J at [10]. But expert opinion will not be relevant if there is an insufficient correspondence between all the facts assumed by the expert as the basis for his or her opinion, and those proved or admitted: cf Ramsay v Watson (1961) 108 CLR 642 at 648-649. Absent that sufficient correspondence, it cannot be known whether the opinion proffered applies to the facts proved or admitted. If I cannot discern in a report, distinguishing between them, the expert's opinion and all facts assumed by the expert on which that opinion is based, I will not be able to be satisfied: · that the assumed facts are, to a sufficient degree, the actual facts as I find them to be, to make that opinion "relevant" for the purposes of s 56 of the Evidence Act (cf Quick at 374 per Branson J; Sydneywide at [14] per Branson J); or · (perhaps) that the opinion proffered is one substantially based on the expert's specialised knowledge, for the purposes of s 79 of the Evidence Act (cf Makita at [85] per Heydon JA) While perhaps it cannot be said that in all cases evidence of expert opinion will be inadmissible if an expert does not separately list all the factual assumptions underlying his or her report, if this is not done, there is a substantial risk that the court will not be able to be satisfied on reading the report, as to what they were, with the result that the opinion will be inadmissible. If the expert does not state and distinguish between all the factual assumptions underlying the opinion and the opinion itself, can I be satisfied that the two criteria of admissibility mentioned are met? ' 458 Jango v Northern Territory of Australia (No 2) [2004] FCA 1004 (Jango)addressed the same issues. In that case, certain expert anthropologists' reports were the subject of in excess of 1000 objections by the respondents. Sackville J observed at [8] that it was apparent that the reports had been 'prepared with scant regard for the requirements of the [Evidence Act]'. His Honour cited the joint judgment of Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ in Yarmirr, where their Honours noted at [84] that an expert anthropological report had been received in evidence in that case without proof and without objection 'despite it being a document which was in part intended as evidence of historical and other facts, in part intended as evidence of expert opinions the authors held on certain subjects, and in part a document advocating the claimants' case. Although it was not suggested that the mixing of these disparate elements, without any evident delineation between them, ultimately led to any insuperable difficulty in this case, it is a practice which has obvious difficulties and dangers.' 459 In relation to a particular expert anthropology report before the Court in Jango Justice Sackville said at [11] that it did not 'clearly expose the reasoning leading to the opinions arrived at by the authors. Nor does it distinguish between the facts upon which opinions are presumably based and the opinions themselves. Indeed, it is often difficult to discern whether the authors are advancing factual propositions, assuming the existence of particular facts, or expressing their own opinions. Certainly the basis on which the authors have reached particular conclusions is often either unstated or unclear.' 460 His Honour then discussed the submission that it had become common for parties to rely on 'discursive expert reports' prepared without assistance from lawyers, a practice which has its genesis in preparation of claims under the ALR Act. He pointed out that claims under the ALR Act were not subject to the rules of evidence in contrast to s 82(2) of the NT Act. Consequently, his Honour observed at [20] that any such practice 'should have ceased with the enactment of the new s 82 … . Certainly, the practice of tendering a report containing undifferentiated statements of facts, expressions of opinion and advocacy of a claimants' case should not have survived the observations of the High Court in Commonwealth v Yarmirr.' 461 In Makita (Australia) Pty Ltd v Sprowles (2001) 52 NSWLR 705 at [64], Heydon JA confirmed the existence in common law of the 'basic principle'. This 'basic principle' or 'basic rule' was expressed by Sackville J in Jango as requiring an expert opinion to be 'based on facts stated by the expert and either proved by the expert or assumed by him or her and proved aliunde': at [33]. Section 79 of the Evidence Act does not import the 'basis rule': Neowarra at [23] per Sundberg J. However, Sundberg J said that despite this 'an expert should nevertheless differentiate between the facts on which the opinion is based and the opinion in question, so that it is possible for the court to determine whether the opinion is wholly or substantially based on the expert's specialised knowledge which in turn is based on training, study or experience.' 462 In both Harrington-Smith and in Jango, the expert anthropology reports were criticised, inter alia, on the basis that they did not 'distinguish between the facts upon which opinions [were] presumably based and the opinions themselves.' 463 Nicholson J discussed the specialised knowledge of anthropologists in Daniel v State of Western Australia (2000) 178 ALR 542at [24]: 'The specialised knowledge of an anthropologist derives from the function to be performed by the anthropologist and for which he or she is trained and in relation to which study has been undertaken and experience gained. "Anthropology" is the science of humankind, in the widest sense: The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary, p 87. Cultural or social anthropology is the science of human social and cultural behaviour and its development. Socio-cultural anthropology is traditionally divided into ethnography and ethnology. The former is the primary, data-gathering part of socio-cultural anthropology, that is, field work in a given society. This involves the study of everyday behaviour, normal social life, economic activities, relationships with relatives and in-laws, relationship to any wider nation-state, rituals and ceremonial behaviour and notions of appropriate social behaviour. See C P Kottak, Anthropology: the Exploration of Human Diversity, 3rd ed, 1982, p 12. It is apparent that an anthropologist carrying out field work is more than likely to speak to a wide range of persons in the people under examination.' 464 Expert anthropological evidence serves to provide a framework within which the primary evidence of Aboriginal witnesses can be considered: Lee J in Ward v State of Western Australia (1998) 159 ALR 483 (Ward, first instance) at 531. As I said in The Alyawarr, Kaytetye, Warumungu, Wakay Native Title Claim Group v Northern Territory (2004) 207 ALR 539 (Alyawarr) at [89]: 'Not only may anthropological evidence observe and record matters relevant to informing the court as to the social organisation of an applicant claim group, and as to the nature and content of their traditional laws and traditional customs, but by reference to other material including historical literature and anthropological material, the anthropologists may compare that social organisation with the nature and content of the traditional laws and traditional customs of their ancestors and to interpret the similarities or differences. And there may also be circumstances in which an anthropological expert may give evidence about the meaning and significance of what Aboriginal witnesses say and do, so as to explain or render coherent matters which, on their face, may be incomplete or unclear.' 465 In relation to genealogies, Lee J in Ward, first instance at 532, said that their preparation 'involved distilling information from a broad context of ethnographic material and it involved the application of skill and expertise of anthropologists. … The charts as received in evidence were not restricted to the expression of opinion by anthropologists but were also evidence as to the truth of the statements contained therein. Genealogies duly prepared by anthropologists employing their specialised skill and understanding of the structure and culture of a society represent not only an appropriate field of expert evidence but also a record of statements made to the anthropologists, the record of which is likely to be reliable, the statements made being appropriate to be admitted in a case of this nature.' 466 In the current matter, Mr Graham gave evidence to the effect that in preparing his report, he had performed fieldwork with various members of the Larrakia group, as well as researching the relevant literature and genealogies prepared by Dr Walsh for the Kenbi Claim. 467 I share with Lindgren J the view, as he expressed in Harrington-Smith at [26] that there are 'great practical differences' between experts reports from different disciplines. His Honour said that 'Admittedly, there are great practical differences in the present respect between, for example, Makita, an appeal concerned with a report of expert opinion given by a "physicist who specialised in the investigation of slipping accidents" … in relation to the slipperiness of a stair, and a case such as the present one, concerned with reports of opinions given by historians and anthropologists in relation to the more complex question whether there are communal, group or individual rights and interests of Aboriginal peoples in relation to land or waters, where the rights and interests are possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs observed, by the Aboriginal peoples, and they, by those laws and customs, have a connection with the land or waters...' 468 Underlying his Honour's statement is the notion that science and mathematics are exact disciplines, whereas the disciplines of anthropology, humanity, much of economics, and history are not. There is a longer list which could be created. In most if not all disciplines, opinion is formed by reasoning drawn from a group of 'facts'. The facts may be drawn from a scientific experiment, historical documents or a series of conversations held with members of a native title claimant group. However, 'facts' themselves have varying degrees of primacy or subjectiveness. Some facts are now, in reality (and despite the deconstructionists) incontrovertible. Our communication systems make them so: the use of numbers in measurement is a clear example. Some are obviously more subjectively perceived: estimates, descriptions of persons or events, and the like (the explanations of Dr Wells for the significance she attributed to many contemporary records provides examples). Some are complex and themselves involve judgment. In the realm of expert evidence, the primary data upon which an opinion is based may comprise a mixture of primary and more complex facts. The opinion may then be further based upon an interpretation (sometimes requiring expertise) of those facts and that stage may require an exercise of judgment, sometimes fine judgment, by the person concerned. 469 This is not the occasion to dilate at length upon such matters. That is better left to others. The important thing in any expert's report, in my view, is that the intellectual processes of the expert can be readily exposed. That involves identifying in a transparent way what are the primary facts assumed or understood. It also involves making the process of reasoning transparent, and where there are premises upon which the reasoning depends, identifying them. An understanding of the nature of the judicial process in addressing expert evidence would readily recognise the need for the expert's report to communicate those matters to the court. 470 The premises, whether based on primary facts or on other material, then need to be established. Their ready identification ensures that the means of satisfaction - whether by proof of primary facts or in some other way - can be addressed by the party relying upon that expert opinion, generally by the legal representations. 471 In R v Perry (No 4) (1981) 28 SASR 119 (Perry) at 126, Cox J discussed different types scientific opinions. Firstly, his Honour gave the example of opinion evidence from a psychiatrist, in relation to the diagnosis of a mental condition, and a pathologist, in relation to a person's cause of death. His Honour said about this type of evidence that 'much depends on the expert's judgments and it is recognised that the views of informed persons on such matters may reasonably differ.' Justice Cox compared this type of scientific evidence with evidence from an expert analytical chemist. His Honour said that where a reliable method requiring little independent judgment was used to measure the level of arsenic in a person's blood, any statement regarding the presence or absence of arsenic was to be regarded as a statement of fact. 472 At least in the context of expert anthropological reports, the line between an opinion and the fact upon which that opinion is based is not always clear. This is especially the case because expert anthropology reports often rely on hearsay evidence from members of the tribe itself. Judgments are made by the anthropologist about the significance of such evidence. In Milirrpum v Nabalco Pty Ltd (1971) 17 FLR 141 at 162, Blackburn J said (in the context of hearsay argument) that '[t]here is no doubt a considerable difference in degree between the extent to which statements made by other persons form the basis of conclusions in clinical medicine and in anthropology'. It is trite that Australian indigenous cultures have a distinctly oral tradition, rather than one based on documentary records. This is borne out in the preparation of expert anthropology reports and genealogies. Nor is the distinction necessarily simple to draw in cases involving mathematical or scientific expert evidence. In Quick v Stoland Pty Ltd (1998) 87 FCR 371, a case involving the expert evidence of a 'qualified accountant and registered auditor with extensive experience as an insolvency practitioner', Branson J said at 375 that '[T]he distinction between evidence of "fact" and evidence of "opinion" assumes a dichotomy which is not always easy to draw'. Her Honour also referred to ALRC Report No. 26, Vol 1, para 156, where the decision of Cox J in Perry is considered. 473 In my view, whilst the clear separation of fact and premise from opinion is clearly desirable, it is necessary to accept that there is sometimes difficulty in discerning between the facts upon which an opinion is based and the opinion itself in an expert anthropology report. Such a difficulty should not be regarded as a fatal flaw that may render the report or the opinion inadmissible. As noted above, the Court's practice is to accommodate such uncertainty for the time being by deferring a ruling on certain objections until the expert witness proffering the opinion has been examined on the section of the report. That approach, however, should not excuse the expert from appreciating the need for transparency in the report and in oral evidence on the matter explained so far as that is possible, so that time and effort is not inappropriately wasted on trying to identify from a poorly constructed report the facts or premises underlying the opinions expressed in it, and the points at which an interpretive or judgmental opinion has been formed and the reasons for it. 474 I now turn to address the anthropological evidence.

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(i) Kinship 475 Mr Graham described kinship as a 'central element of all Aboriginal life', and quoted from the Berndt article (at 68) that '[k]inship is the basis of all social relations'. Mr Graham agreed when it was put to him that a kinship system is composed of two broad elements: kinship terminology and kinship behaviour. Indeed, the first applicants included specific categories of behaviour in their description of the Larrakia kinship system's characteristics which are discussed below. 476 There are very few ethnographic sources which indicate whether a system of kinship existed pre-sovereignty. However, Mr Graham indicated in his initial report that there was sufficient information to determine that such a kinship system did indeed exist in 1825, based on the writings of Basedow (1907), Spencer (1914) and Warner (1933), and that what has been recorded is consistent with what has been recorded for neighbouring groups. Mr Graham also concluded that a kinship system continues to exist to a certain extent amongst the Larrakia applicant group. 477 The first applicants submitted that the Larrakia kinship system possesses various characteristics including kinship terminology, an absence of moieties, both intra-group and inter-group marriages of a 'preferential and promissory' nature, avoidance rules, the giving and use of Aboriginal personal names, and a 'classificatory nature'. 478 It was further contended on behalf of the first applicants that the there is sufficient evidence to prove continuity of the kinship system, without substantial interruption, despite the evidence that certain aspects of the system are no longer practised. The Territory on the other hand submitted that 'overall, the evidence about Kinship does not demonstrate anything other than knowledge on the part of a few Larrakia witnesses about certain Larrakia words for certain kin relationships, a more general lack of consistency of understanding and application of that kinship terminology and a failure to observe any particular patterns of behaviour or to conduct one's self in any particular way by virtue of the expressed kinship relationships.' 479 It is necessary therefore to address those matters, commencing with kinship terminology, and then in relation to the facets of kinship behaviour. 480 A specific set of 'egocentric kin terms' were recorded in detail by Spencer (1914) and Warner (1933). The phrase 'egocentric kin terms' describes the term used by an individual to name another person, for example, in English, 'mother', 'father' etc. Mr Graham noted in his supplementary report that he had recorded a 'detailed set of almost identical terms' from 'a number of people', including Nelson Blake and Lena Henry. Tibby Quall and Lorraine Williams also used these terms in recent testimony. 481 The different aspects of Larrakia kinship behaviour can be separated into three groups: those which the first applicants claim are still practised today and have been so continuously since sovereignty without substantial interruption; those the practice of which is common but not universal; and those which are no longer practised. The first applicants submitted that the absence of moieties, inter- and intra- group marriages and the classificatory nature of the system belong in the first category; avoidance rules and the use of Aboriginal names in the second; and that promissory marriages are no longer practised at all. I shall deal with each of the first two categories in turn. 482 In his supplementary report, Mr Graham stated that the Larrakia people had never adopted moiety terms or sections (described as 'terms that are in effect absolutes across any society and do not vary') and that this was a regional feature rather than specific to the Larrakia tribe. He was cross-examined by counsel for the Territory on the basis that certain Larrakia witnesses had indicated that they had 'skin', that is, moieties or sections. He accepted that there are a number of Larrakia people for whom moieties or sections form a part of their traditional life. However, he qualified that admission by saying that the Larrakia people who have these characteristics are those who 'sit between a number of [Aboriginal] groups. … They have taken information from other groups and applied it to themselves or other groups have assigned it to them.' 483 Mr Graham also stated in his supplementary report that the data compiled across the Top End of the Northern Territory indicated that inter and intra group marriages occurred, and that 'we can be confident that this was the case with the Larrakia'. The first applicants submitted that it was 'clear' that today Larrakia people marry both Larrakia and non-Larrakia people. I did not understand the respondents to contest this point. 484 Ethnographic sources indicate that the Larrakia kinship system was classificatory in nature. In anthropological terms, this means that lineal relatives (for example, mother, father) are grouped together with collateral relatives (for example, aunt, uncle) so that a mother's sister is a 'mother' and a father's brother is a 'father'. 485 The first applicants rely on primary evidence given by members of the first applicants group to demonstrate the continuing classificatory nature of the Larrakia kinship system. For example, witnesses referred in evidence to 'my fathers'. The Territory's submissions in relation to kinship terminology also refer to the classificatory nature of the kinship system. 486 Mr Graham considered that, regardless of the existence of ethnographic material to the contrary, an avoidance rule between mothers-in-law and sons-in-law existed in the pre contact Larrakia community. This tradition was said to be consistent with wider regional studies. Mr Graham also referred to a similar avoidance rule between siblings of the opposite sex, however he noted that this rule was 'much less strict'. Primary evidence given by Lorraine Williams and Maureen Williams touched on these avoidance rules, as did that of Annie Risk. 487 Early ethnographic and historical sources indicated that the Larrakia people had 'distinctive family or group names' and used 'individual personal names' for one another. The first applicants submitted that many Larrakia people continue the practice of using traditional names, although it is not universally observed. It was further submitted that the primary evidence demonstrated that certain Larrakia group members have personal names that have been passed down through generations, such as the names Imabulk, Yirra, Didja, Garanyi and Gundurk.

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(ii) Family Groups/Clans 488 According to the expert evidence, there is little material on the status of groups within the Larrakia community prior to the lodgment of the Kenbi Claim. Before that time, there were only scant references to 'crocodile and frog clans' (Warner (1933)). Despite the lack of ethnographical and historical source information, Dr Walsh, Mr Graham and Professor Maddock all agreed that at the time of sovereignty, Larrakia country was divided into small territories. Each territory was affiliated with a local descent group, that is, a clan, and each clan would also have its own particular set of dreamings. 489 However, the spread of disease, interaction with other Aboriginal groups, the removal of Aboriginal people to the Kahlin Compound and the separation of mixed descent children from their parents led to the ultimate decline of the clan organisation. It was replaced by a system of 'families of polity' who, according to Mr Graham, now 'form major structural elements of public life in Aboriginal society and do not belong merely to a domestic or private domain' (Sutton (1998:60)). Mr Graham described these families as 'groups composed of the descendants of deceased ancestors known to have been members of the Larrakia language group or "tribe". … These individuals are central to understanding the current Larrakia social group - to both membership and structure.' 490 Mr Graham considered that the Danggalaba clan was the sole remaining Larrakia clan. 491 Professor Maddock wrote a report in response to Mr Graham's initial report, which was subsequently tendered by the Territory. In that report, Professor Maddock stated that the 'link' between the traditional clan structure and the modern family sub-groups appeared to be 'tenuous'. 492 For the Kenbi Claim re-hearing in the 1990's, Dr Walsh compiled most of the genealogical material on the Larrakia people. It was on this material, as well as on his own experience with the Larrakia people, that Mr Graham relied when he was considering the various family groups within the community. 493 According to both Mr Graham and Dr Walsh, there are five family groups, of varying sizes, constituted by the Blanchie family, the Cubillo family,the Djalamin and King Tommy family, the Frith family and the McLellan family. 494 The anthropological evidence, of course, touched generally on the issues in these proceedings at numerous points. I have therefore referred to it elsewhere as necessary.

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Genealogies 495 Dr Walsh, in his expert report, described a genealogy as presenting a 'composite picture which seeks to represent the socially recognised links among claimants. They do not seek to represent the knowledge of a particular individual but instead are the result of research among individuals and documents and the analysis of that research. The genealogies mostly show biological connections among individuals. There are also connections by adoption and putative links'. 496 The general purpose of genealogies as evidence in native title determination applications is to establish a link between the current claimants and previous inhabitants of the claim area. In an ideal world, genealogies would allow claimants to establish links with the inhabitants of the claim area at the time of sovereignty. However, due to a number of reasons including population decline, the oral nature of Aboriginal tradition, and the frailty of human memory, this is not always possible. In Neowarra v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 1402 at [48], Sundberg J held that '[I]nsofar as ancestors of the claimants cannot be traced back to sovereignty (1829), it is reasonable to infer that there have been no intervening events between 1829 and the time of the birth of the known ancestors of the applicants that stand in the way of a conclusion that the claimants of today are the descendants of the Aboriginal people present on the claim area [at sovereignty]'. See also Mason v Tritton (1994) 34 NSWLR 572 at 588-589 and Alyawarr at [110]. 497 Both Dr Walsh and Mr Graham gave evidence in relation to genealogies. Dr Walsh prepared the principal report and genealogies, which were checked and updated under the supervision of Mr Graham. 498 Dr Walsh's curriculum vitae, detailing his qualifications and experience, was tendered as an exhibit. He has a PhD in Linguistics and is a Senior Lecturer in Linguistics at the University of Sydney. He has experience with this native title claim group spanning three decades, having been one of the co-authors of the Kenbi Claim Book. I am satisfied that he is qualified to give the expert evidence he has provided to the Court. 499 Dr Walsh's Report in relation to 'Genealogies, List of Larrakia: Personal Particulars', as well as the genealogies he prepared and amendments to those genealogies, were all tendered before the Court. There were two objections to Dr Walsh's report, one of which was conceded by counsel for the first applicants, and the other was overruled after further oral evidence was led by the first applicants. 500 As mentioned above, the Larrakia people is said to be composed of five family groups, being the Blanchie family, the Cubillo family, the Djalamin and King Tommy family, the Frith family and the McLellan family. These family groups are of varying sizes. There are inter-family disputes as to the legitimacy of certain families' claims to be 'Larrakia'. Given the ultimate conclusion in this matter, it is not necessary to determine these claims. However, for the purposes of completeness, I will outline the various families.

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(i) The Blanchie family 501 The Blanchie family group is more complex than the other families. It is so named after an ancestor, 'Blanchie', who lived at the turn of the nineteenth century. Dr Walsh estimated Blanchie's birth year as 1875. The group is composed of two parts: the immediate 'Blanchie' section and the Fejo family. 502 Blanchie appears on the genealogies as a Larrakia woman who had a number of children by different husbands, including an unnamed Iwadja man (Yiwaidja), a Wulna man (Piniti; Finity; Benadi) and a Malay man (Batcho). The genealogies list Blanchie's children as Sam Gurndurk, Dolly Garinyi, Pat Lawrie Mamilk, Garamanak Topsy Drysdale, Wulna Fred O'Brien, Hilda Gunmunga, Chookie Gulukboy and Didja Bilawuk Batcho. 503 Not all members of the first applicants agreed with Dr Walsh's genealogies for the Blanchie family. One detail which is the subject of dispute is the position of Pat Lawrie Mamilk. Dr Walsh addressed this issue in some detail in his report. Mr Graham gave evidence before the Court that there was no dispute as to the existence of a Larrakia man named Pat Lawrie Mamilk. Rather, the issue relates to the position of that person on the genealogy, that is, whether he was Blanchie's son or her husband. Certain Larrakia people (referred to by Dr Walsh as those who 'presented themselves under the label "Danggalaba Group" in the Kenbi Claim') argue that Pat Lawrie was Blanchie's husband. Dr Walsh summarised this reasoning: 'If we take the Danggalaba Group account then Pat Lawrie's father, Mamil(k), would have been born around 1850-60 and would have been a brother of Djindjabat and thereby a son of Djalamin… In turn this would indicate that all Blanchie's descendents can be traced back to an apical ancestor, Djalamin, born around 1810-30.' 504 Dr Walsh relied upon the Aboriginal Population Records,which indicate Pat Lawrie Mamilk's birth date as 1890 (the same year that Sam Gurndurk was born), to support the position of Pat Lawrie Mamilk on the genealogies as Blanchie's son. 505 The first applicants in their written submissions submitted that the controversy about Pat Lawrie is 'not necessary to resolve though it is of particular concern to Tibby Quall. Whilst it may have some bearing on whether or not Mr Quall can claim some connection to the label "Danggalaba", it makes no difference to Mr Quall's being Larrakia or, the first applicants submit, to the nature and extent of his rights and interests in Larrakia country.' Given the ultimate outcome in this matter, it is not necessary to determine this issue and I decline to do so.

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(iii) The Cubillo family 508 The Cubillo family group is allegedly descended from an Aboriginal woman, said to be Larrakia, named Annie Duwun. According to Dr Walsh's evidence, Annie Duwun 'must have been born well before the settlement of Darwin' as she married George McKeddie in the 1870's. Annie Duwun had two children - Jack and Lily Magdalena McKeddie (although she may have had other children). Jack McKeddie did not have any children. Reports indicate that Lily McKeddie married Anthony Cubillo, a man from the Philippines, in 1899. They had ten children: Christina Cubillo, Alberta Cubillo, Ponciano Cubillo, Juan Roque Cubillo, LC, Martina Cubillo, Eduardo Cubillo, Delfin Cubillo, Phillip Cubillo and Anna Cubillo. The descendants of these children include members of the Cubillo, Odegaard, Devine, Lee, Hazelbane, Collin and Hayes families. 509 There is a certain amount of controversy amongst members of the first applicants group and the second applicants group as to whether Annie Duwun, the Aboriginal woman on whom the Cubillo Family group rely to establish their identity as Larrakia, was in fact a Larrakia woman. The Cubillo family in general do not have links to other Larrakia families. In its written submissions, the Territory submitted that the assertion that Annie Duwun was a Larrakia woman was 'largely the result of assumption, which may be unfounded'. 510 I have already indicated above that, given the ultimate conclusion in this matter, it is not necessary to determine this controversy. I decline to do so. However, I will outline the relevant evidence. 511 Evidence was given both by expert witnesses and members of the first applicant group. Florence Devine, Gabriel Hazelbane and Richard Barnes all gave evidence concerning the issue. That which follows is a summary of the evidence. 512 Florence Devine was born in 1919, the daughter of Christine Cubillo. She lived with her grandmother, Lily McKeddie, for a number of years as a child. She gave oral evidence that Lily McKeddie had told her that her grandmother, 'Annie', had been born in Southport, and that she was Larrakia. She did not learn Annie's Aboriginal name, Duwun, until a later point in time. Florence Devine gave evidence that she also knew Jack McKeddie, Lily McKeddie's brother. 513 Gabriel Hazelbane was born in 1925. His mother was Martina Cubillo and his grandparents were Lily McKeddie and Antonio Cubillo. Gabriel Hazelbane provided a sworn statement which was tendered as evidence. He did not attend for cross-examination. If I were to be deciding this issue, I would therefore place little weight on his evidence. He said that he knew from young age that his mother was Larrakia, and that as a child he spent time with his grandmother. Lily McKeddie told Gabriel Hazelbane about Annie Duwun and said that she was Larrakia. 514 Richard Barnes was born in Darwin in 1941. His mother is Florence Devine. In the current proceedings, Richard Barnes gave evidence that he did not know his great great grandmother's Aboriginal name until 1986 when he was told by Roy Kelly, an Aboriginal man living at 10 Mile. Roy Kelly was said to have told Richard Barnes that George McKeddie was married to Annie Duwun. Richard Barnes said that Roy Kelly knew Annie's name because a member of his own community had the same name, and that this information concerning Annie was confirmed by an elderly Malak Malak woman, Granny Pan Que. In the 1989 Kenbi Claim proceedings, Richard Barnes did not refer to Granny Pan Que's corroboration of the information. 515 Richard Barnes said that his assumption that Annie Duwun was Larrakia was based on information from his family. In the 1989 Kenbi Claim proceedings, he said that he had been told by Delphin Cubillo that Annie was Larrakia. In the current proceedings, he said he had been told by his mother. Richard Barnes also relied upon a photo, taken by Foelsche in 1878, which showed a fifteen-year old Aboriginal woman named 'Minnie', who apparently resembled Lily Magdalena McKeddie, and who seemed to suffer from a physical defect affecting her right eye. Richard Barnes gave evidence that certain members of his family also suffered from problems with their right eye. 516 A historical document, entitled 'List of Half Casts' [sic] in the Northern Territory (Palmerston)' (List of Half Castes) compiled in 1899, contained two entries of relevance to the current issue. The first was 'Lilly', a female aged 14 years whose father was 'G McKeddie' and who was 'living with a Manila man named Antonio at the old ice house on the beach'. Her mother's name and tribe were recorded as 'Minnie' and 'South Port' respectively. The second entry of note was 'Jack', a male aged 7 years who father was 'G McKeddie' who lived 'with the blacks'. Jack's mother and tribe were recorded as 'Maggie' and 'South Port' respectively. 517 It was Dr Walsh's opinion that the apical ancestor of the Cubillo family was Annie Duwun, a Larrakia woman. Dr Walsh based this opinion on the Kenbi 1979 Claim Book authored by himself, Dr Maria Brandl and DrAdrienne Haritos. In preparing this claim book, Drs Brandl and Haritos spoke to Delphin Cubillo about his mother's mother. Dr Walsh also based his opinion on a submission by Richard Barnes in the Kenbi Claim which was not tendered in the current proceedings. 518 In relation to the List of Half Castes, and the entries contained therein, Dr Walsh said that it was his understanding, from Richard Barnes, that Annie Duwun was also known as 'Minnie', and that her two children had been born at South Port, although she was from Belyuen. I note that the photo referred to by Richard Barnes was of an Aboriginal female, approximately Annie's age, named 'Minnie'. 519 Mr Graham, whilst acknowledging the controversial nature of the issue within the applicants, said that he believed that Annie Duwun had existed and was from the Larrakia tribe. He told the Court that his opinion was based on information he had received from Florence Devine, as well as the existence of the Cubillo family group, its Aboriginal connections and the longevity of its existence in the Darwin area. 520 The Territory submitted that knowledge about the existence of Annie Duwun was not handed down through the Cubillo family, and that which had been handed down, at its highest, was merely that their ancestor was 'an Aboriginal woman, possibly called Annie, who was married to George McKeddie and lived with him at Belyuen'. The Territory relied on confusion amongst family members as to Annie Duwun's date and location of death, and that the family did not know of her Aboriginal name until Richard Barnes conducted research. It was also submitted that Richard Barnes was an unreliable witness given apparent inconsistencies in his evidence, and that the evidence of Gabriel Hazelbane ought to be given no weight since he did not make himself available for cross-examination.

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(v) The Djalamin and King Tommy Family 523 Djalamin is probably the grandfather of Tommy Lyons and was born sometime after sovereignty, but before any European settlement of the Darwin Region. The genealogies suggest in turn his descendant down the line is Djindabat, and in turn Tommy Lyons. Djalamin is also probably the grandfather of Amy Yirra Bandoo, who apparently passed away during the 1950s. Lindy Roman was one of Amy's daughters. She as a young child was put into the Kahlin Compound in the 1920s. The present family described in evidence as the Roman/Danks family traces its membership of the Larrakia people through that line. That family of course includes Susan Roman and the third applicants; Kelvin Costello who gave evidence is a member of that family. Susan Roman was one of the children moved to Retta Dixon House, when she was about 12 years old, as was her sister Rachel Costello who is Kelvin's mother. 524 King Tommy is apparently of approximately the same age as Djalamin; they are probably of the same generation. Evidence referred to in the genealogical report of Dr Walsh then traces the line to Prince of Wales (not deceased) through King Tommy's grandson, King George. King Tommy survived until late 1978. Prince of Wales was the cousin of Topsy Secretary, the late grandmother to the present generation of the Secretary family. Prince of Wales followed Tommy Lyons in spending much of his time on the Cox Peninsula, and (as the evidence referred to indicates), Bobby Secretary sought advice from Tommy Lyons on cultural and ceremonial matters in the early 1970's when seeking to establish Kulaluk. Topsy and Bobby Secretary were siblings. The Waters and Mills families, as well as the Singh family, trace their Larrakia ancestry through this line. 525 This family line also inclues the Shepherd family and the Briston, Mills, Risk, Reid and Baban families, through Ruby Ariyal (Harriet) Ababa or through Ruby Shepherd who was married to Billy Shepherd. Their granddaughter married William Risk, and Bill Risk, Annie Risk and Keith Risk are their children. Ruby Ababa was deaf and mostly mute, an affliction which was apparently inherited by her daughter Molly Shepherd. Her successors include members of the Baban family. 526 The above description of the current generation of Larrakia people and their forbears is not intended to be exhaustive.

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current LArrakia society 527 This section of my consideration of the evidence and my findings looks at the contemporary nature of the Larrakia people's society, as it has been presented over the last decade or so to the present. 528 Obviously, I have had the benefit of direct primary evidence from the many members of the Larrakia people, including those claiming to be members of the second applicants. I was consistently impressed by the genuineness and honestly of all those witnesses. Inevitably, some were more effusive and some more reserved. Some had had considerable exposure to the processes of the Kenbi Claim, including giving evidence there, and others had not. Some of those who had been exposed to the processes of the Kenbi Claim acknowledged that a part, and in some instances a large part, of their current knowledge of the Larrakia people's laws and customs was derived from that exposure; others did not. Some had or professed a greater apparent awareness of the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people than others. Some were more forceful in their desire to express the existence of their current laws and practices than others; understandably so, given the nature and significance of these proceedings. 529 My findings are based on all their evidence. I have no doubt that were all truthful. The picture which emerges from their evidence results from the consideration of what each of them said, and my consideration of its significance in the context of the perspective and experience of each witness and the overall picture which the evidence pointed to. It leads to the following findings about the nature of the society of the Larrakia people at the present time. 530 The Larrakia community of today is a vibrant, dynamic society, which embraces its history and traditions. This group of people has shown its strength as a community, able to re-animate its traditions and customs, following a period when, as Justice Gray described it in the Kenbi Report, 'government policies and social attitudes dictated the integration of Aboriginal people into non-Aboriginal society' (see 5.7.3). I address the various obstacles which the Larrakia people have had to overcome to reach that point earlier in these reasons for the judgment. Needless to say, they have been considerable. 531 The following findings are intended to give an overview of various aspects of the current Larrakia society based on the evidence. I have endeavoured to address the various topics under the following headings: Cultural Organisation & Practices; Economy and Resource use and Spirituality. It is not the role of the Court to provide a comprehensive history of the claim group nor a complete discussion of the intricacies of the Larrakia society, and I have not sought to do so. Where I refer to the evidence of specific witnesses, it is not meant to be an exclusive exercise. That which follows is, as I have said, merely an overview. 532 These findings will then enable me to address those requirements of s 233(1) of the NT Act which I have not yet addressed. It is convenient at this point, however, to note certain contentions on matters to which I will later have to have regard.

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Kinship 533 'Kinship terminology' refers to terms used to describe particular relationships. The primary evidence discloses that many members of the Larrakia community currently use such terms, both in Larrakia language and in English or Kriol (a word as used in submissions). For example, Annie Risk, Pauline Baban, Victor Williams, Yula Williams and Barbara Raymond were some of the witnesses who gave evidence as to the use of kinship terms. 534 The first applicants relied on this primary evidence of the use of kinship terminology by members of the Larrakia group. It was contended that, regardless of the loss of indigenous language terminology, the use of English or 'Kriol' words constituted evidence of the continuity of the traditions concerning kinship terminology. The Territory pointed to the relatively small number of Larrakia kinship terms recorded in the ethnographic accounts, in comparison to other Australian indigenous groups. Mr Graham acknowledged that the Larrakia kinship system, although not extensive, is consistent with the kinship systems of surrounding Aboriginal groups. The Territory drew attention to certain evidence indicating that many Aboriginal witnesses (including elderly witnesses) did not know Aboriginal language kinship terms, but used English terms instead. It also noted that kinship terms were used inconsistently, both in terms of meaning and application, as well as with reference to the ethnographic reports cited above. 535 The Territory pointed out in its submissions that English and Kriol words were often used instead of Larrakia words, even by elderly members of the claimant group. It also highlighted that there was inconsistency, bordering on confusion, among witnesses as to how kinship terms are applied. It is certainly true that witnesses used certain kinship terms inconsistently. The Territory used this to support its submission that the Larrakia people have adopted and used kinship terms as a 'badge of Aboriginality', borrowing them from other Aboriginal groups. It contended that, as a consequence of the Kenbi Claim, members of the Larrakia people had informed themselves of, and revived the use of, particular kinship terms. That, so the argument goes, accounts for the inconsistencies. In cross-examination, Mr Graham acknowledged that certain members of the Larrakia people had read the relevant anthropological texts outlining kinship rules and terms. However, he also noted that he had 'heard those terms in regular use by a number of [Larrakia] people including people who clearly don't read. In fact, most of the people who them [the terms] don't read the anthropological literature.' It is is unclear whether that use of those words was learned by inheritances or from the course of evidence in the Kenbi Claim, when many of those rules and terms were raised at some length. 536 The first applicants responded that it was essentially of little weight whether the use of kinship terms and the language of such terms, was consistent or otherwise. This was because, it was submitted, the general purpose behind the kinship system was fulfilled regardless of any inconsistency. The Court's attention was drawn to Neowarra v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 1402, where Sundberg J at [100] quoted an expert anthropologist as saying that purpose of kinship was to make 'biological links meaningful, culturally'. The first applicants submitted that the Larrakia people's use of kinship terminology fulfilled this purpose, because what is consistent is the presence of 'classificatory nomenclature which uses terms that primarily refer to lineal relatives to refer also to collateral relatives.' The use of the kinship terminology, to quote the submission, fulfilled its purpose by 'includ[ing] in a close network, people who would otherwise be only distantly related, if at all.' 537 Some Larrakia people now practice and recognise requirements and prohibitions concerning relationships. Primary evidence was led in relation to an avoidance requirement for relationships between brothers and sisters, as well as avoidance rules for mothers-in-law and sons-in-law. For example, Lorraine Williams and Anne Risk gave evidence about the brother-sister rule, whilst Maureen Ogden gave evidence in relation to the mother-in-law-son-in-law rule. The Territory noted in its submissions that the only witnesses to give evidence about the latter rule were members of the Williams family. 538 The Territory also points to an inconsistency of application of avoidance rules. There were anomalies in the evidence as to whether, for example saying the name of a brother/sister was prohibited, or whether speaking directly to that person was prohibited. There was evidence that some witnesses had only been informed of the avoidance rule in the last few years. The rule is neither universally nor consistently practised. Certain witnesses gave evidence that they were prohibited from saying the name of their sibling, because of the avoidance rule, only to use that same name in the context of other evidence. 539 The first applicants acknowledged that the practices of preferential and promissory marriages are no longer observed today, although inter and intra group marriages do occur. 540 Witnesses such as Annie Risk, Pauline Baban and Lorraine Williams gave evidence of kinship rules as to whom a Larrakia person can or cannot marry. However there were irregularities in this evidence and the Territory submitted that these rules were not observed or comprehensively understood by the current members of the claim group. 541 There was also evidence given by numerous witnesses about naming practices. The first applicants submitted that many Larrakia people continue to use traditional Aboriginal and Larrakia names, given to them by ancestors. Examples of traditional names possessed include Imabulk, Garanyi and Garamanak. The first applicants acknowledged that this is not universally practised. Some witnesses do not have an Aboriginal name, although they gave evidence that their grandparents and children do. According to the Territory, this evidence disclosed the decline and subsequent revival of the tradition. Other witnesses only acquired their traditional name as adults, subsequent to the commencement of the Kenbi Claim. There is, as in the other aspects of the kinship system, a degree of inconsistency as to the intricacies of the practice - for example, in requirements for giving a traditional name to a person, and the rationale behind the particular name chosen. 542 An absence of moieties and sections was said to be a characteristic of the Larrakia kinship system at the time of sovereignty. Most witnesses gave evidence that they did not have a 'skin grouping'. The Territory pointed to certain witnesses, such as Yula Williams and Kevin Quall, who gave evidence that they possessed a skin grouping, and the perceived inconsistencies within this evidence. Counsel for the Territory cross-examined Mr Graham on this issue. He held the opinion, adopted by the first applicants in their submissions, that the current Larrakia society does not have moieties or sections and that the fact that certain members of the first applicants referred to skin groupings could be explained by their links to other Aboriginal groups in addition to the Larrakia community. Mr Graham said that what had happened was that these people had 'taken information from other groups and applied it to themselves'.

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Mourning/funerary rites 543 The current Larrakia people no longer practise traditional bush burials, and most Larrakia people are now buried in cemeteries. Customs such as self-harm as an expression of grief are no longer practised. Nonetheless, persons gave evidence as to traditional elements to funeral rites that are practised by members of the Larrakia people. 544 This is not to say that the traditional funeral rites are followed universally. The Territory submitted that this inconsistency, and the involvement of non-Larrakia Aboriginal people, can be explained by a lack of knowledge on the part of the Larrakia people. Much like other Larrakia customs and traditions, there has been a revival of these rites since 1989. In the Kenbi Claim, Topsy Secretary referred to the fact that 'now we have not got any corroboree men and dancing men to that [ceremony] .. Sometime we might get the other tribe to come and dance'. 545 One of the funeral rites practised is the ritual of 'smoking', referred to by some witnesses as 'kapuk'. Numerous witnesses gave evidence of this custom, including Eric Fejo, Morris Fejo, Richard Barnes, Alice Briston, Patrick Briston, Lorraine Williams, Annie Risk, Laurie Cubillo, Kevin Quall and Dorothy Fox. Morris Fejo described 'smoking' as follows: 'MR BLOWES: Is there any particular things that you follow … for funerals? MORRIS FEJO: Yes, like when a person passes on there is a smoking ceremony. You know, they smoke his clothes, his bed, his room he slept in, the car he drove in and even members of his own family. MR BLOWES: What's involved in that smoking; how do you make the smoke, for example? MORRIS FEJO: I believe they get leaves from the ironwood tree and they put them in a big drum; they smoke it and there's a song and a corroboree that goes with it. While the people are dancing there's a person that does it, does the smoking goes in and out the rooms; he smokes it, and they sing a song to send his spirit on to the next world. MR BLOWES: Right. Have you seen that happen? MORRIS FEJO: Yes, number of occasions, yes.' 546 The Territory submitted that there has been a revival of this custom and it has only been practised recently. There is only one historical reference to 'smoking', referred to below. The Territory also questioned evidence led as to the purpose of smoking, submitting that it was unclear and inconsistent. I do not consider this to be the case. The primary evidence suggested that the custom was concerned with the spirit of the deceased. 547 There was less evidence as to the use of ochre in funeral rites. Eric Fejo referred to the use of ochre in the smoking ritual: 'smoked that place out. … I got the kids to put all the ochre around - around the trees, … around the house, around the fence line, and then I went and smoked the house out.' Jim Fejo Snr also gave evidence of this use of ochre in ceremonies. 548 Another funeral rite is the practice of 'rag burning'. Rag burning seems to entail the burning of the clothing of the deceased, at a time following the death. There was less evidence led as to this rite than as to smoking. However, Pauline Baban and Donald Baban both gave evidence as to this practice. Additionally, Helen Secretary gave evidence at Kulaluk as to the rag burnings that had occurred in the past at that place. Helen Secretary said that the last rag burning ceremony had been held at Kulaluk, 'years ago', for her mother. 549 A number of members of the claimant group also gave evidence of a desire to be buried 'on country'. 550 Evidence was given by a number of members of the claimant group as to the practice of avoiding the use of a deceased's name, until a certain period of time has passed. These witnesses included Alice Briston, Maureen Ogden, Laurie Cubillo and Juma Fejo. Donald Baban referred to the reason why he would not say a deceased's person name as being 'in respect for him and being the Larrakia way, law or rule, Larrakia, that we respect for persons for about a year I believe …'. The first applicants accepted that this custom was not specific to the Larrakia people and is practised throughout the region. 551 Members of the Larrakia community gave evidence as to the specifics of the custom. Annie Risk and JF gave evidence that there was a form of punishment for a failure to observe the rule. LC and Juma Fejo gave evidence that the rule required that members of the deceased's family with the same name as the deceased had to adopt a different name. Annie Risk and Lynette Shields said that the rule extended to a prohibition on displaying photographs of the deceased; however, they also gave evidence that this aspect of the rule is not strictly adhered to. 552 The evidence disclosed differences in the witnesses' opinions on the issue of when the name of the deceased may be used again. Annie Risk said that the rule applied for 2-3 years, until after 'ceremony' had taken place. Patrick Briston said that the rule applied for a year. Certain witnesses, including Pauline Baban, said that the rule would apply until after the rag-burning ceremony had occurred. Lawrie Raymond said that it was up to the immediate family to signal when the name could be used again. 553 Further, whilst the rule was referred to by a number of witnesses, it was not always observed in giving evidence. The Territory pointed out instances where the name of a recently deceased person was used in oral evidence or in written statements tendered to the Court. 554 These discrepancies in the evidence led the Territory to conclude in its submissions that the tradition of not saying the deceased's name had simply been copied from other Aboriginal tribes as a 'badge of Aboriginality'. The first applicants dispute this, saying that the term 'rule' should not be construed strictly, and that it should be recognised that 'there are personal understandings and responses to particular circumstances and the deaths of certain people, as well as the possibility of exceptions when a name is written down in the context of a court proceedings rather than spoken. '

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Membership of the Larrakia group 560 The Larrakia applications identify the 'Larrakia people' as 'all persons descended from the nine apical Larrakia persons'. Whether the society of Larrakia people has survived as the successors of the society at sovereignty with its traditional laws and customs is a matter to be decided. 561 In April 1986 the Midweek Territorian published an article on the death of a Larrakia woman, under the title 'Last of the Larrakias'. This article referred to the deceased, Kathleen Secretary as 'one of the few remaining members of the Larrakia Tribe, the traditional owners of the land which is now known as Darwin.' The article further stated 'Before Goyder's surveying team pegged out the streets of Darwin's first site, the Larrakia was some 500 strong. Now, diminished by the ravages of white man's diseases and alienation from their country, the once strong and powerful people have been reduced to five direct descendents.' It also referred to the 'many people in Darwin who are indirectly related to the Larrakia', the 'decline of the Larrakia people's customs and lifestyle', and the fact that 'Today, there are only about 20 people who speak or understand the Larrakia language', adding 'Few of the traditional songs and dances are remembered and the memories of legends are only vague.' 562 In response to this article, Richard Barnes (signed as Koolpinyah) sent a letter to the Editor of The Australian, endorsed by K Quall. This letter stated 'Aboriginal tribes are made up of different family groups or clans and each has its own totem. A single clan does not make a tribe. There are a lot more people descended from Larrakia ancestors than is widely known. Some people are not aware that not all the people living at Kulaluk are Larrakia and not all Larrakia live at Kulaluk. Larrakia live in and around Darwin, Larrakia Reserve, Delissaville, other parts of Cox Peninsular, Tiwi Islands Kakadu and many other places. The language and customs of the old "Port Darwin Natives" have survived, along with responsibility for the land. […] Three was a time when we could have lost our people because of the introduction of diseases …. However, Aboriginal law is so designed, this did not happen. Genocide has not occurred. We have survived and are here to stay.' 563 The Territory submitted in its written submissions that this response is consistent with the argument that there was a revival of Larrakia identity following the lodging of the Kenbi Land Claim in 1979. 564 An article published by the Northern Territory News on 15 February 2001 referred to JF as 'the oldest living female Larrakia Aboriginal elder'. That same newspaper reported on 18 October 2002 on the launch of the 'first traditional Larrakia canoe in more than 60 years'. 565 Rosemary Parfitt Fejo in the Kenbi hearing, and Eric Fejo in the current proceedings both gave evidence of a 'tribal war', at Skull Island, which took place in the past and at which many Larrakia people were killed. Rosemary Parfitt Fejo stated that the Larrakia people were nearly 'annihilated' and Eric Fejo said that 'not many made it back over this way … that's why I think … not too many … Larrakia left.' 566 The points of claim filed by the first applicants qualify this general statement: 'Membership of the Larrakia is based on descent from earlier generations of Larrakia people and in particular the following membership criteria: (a) filiation through either a Larrakia father, a Larrakia mother, or through adoption by a Larrakia person; or being descended from a person who had been adopted and was accepted as being Larrakia; (b) recognition by other Larrakia people as being a member of a Larrakia sub group or Larrakia family; and (c) self identification as a Larrakia person and with Larrakia country.' 567 Hence, one must also be an accepted member of one of the known Larrakia family groups. The cognatic rule of descent is, they contend, the primary means for defining the group. Inheritance by biological descent, or through an adoptive relationship, is equally possible. 568 In his expert report, Professor Maddock suggested that Mr Graham included a fourth requirement for Larrakia membership. This was that families 'are expected and required to maintain interests in Larrakia land, resources, traditions and significant sites and localities'. 569 Most primary evidence on this issue indicated that the main criteria for Larrakia group membership was 'bloodline'. Witnesses such as Bill Risk, Annie Risk, Pauline Baban, Tanya Williams and Juma Fejo gave evidence to this effect. Bill Risk and Annie Risk also said that for a Larrakia person to be entitled to exercise all rights and participate fully in Larrakia business, it would be necessary for that person to acquire knowledge of the land and show an interest in participating in Larrakia life. Patrick Briston and Susan Roman gave evidence about the importance of 'recognition' of a person as Larrakia by the Larrakia community. In the Kenbi Claim, Raylene Singh suggested that to 'get country', a person had to go through the various ceremonies. 570 The Territory submitted that the general inconsistency in the comprehension of what is required for membership of the Larrakia group has led to a lack of cohesion within the group. In response, the first applicants submitted that the mere existence of disputes does not mean that there is not 'a group [with] … clear membership criteria; … that can be adequately described by the label identifier "Larrakia"'. I discussed the disputes within the group in the context of my discussion of the genealogies.

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Hunting, fishing and gathering resources 571 Witnesses gave evidence of their experiences hunting, fishing and foraging both in and outside the claim area. Alice Briston said that she fished at Dinah Beach and Casuarina Beach as a young person, and camped and foraged for food at local areas including Shoal Bay, Holmes Jungle and Howard Swamp. Patrick Briston likewise gave evidence of having participated in 'crabbing' and fishing from a young age. Keith Risk said that he fishes and obtains bush food from the area 'all the time'. Maureen Ogden, a Croker Island resident, asserted that she visited the claim area often because it was her 'country' and said that she fishes and collects longbum in the area. Yula Williams said she no longer fishes in the area. In the Kenbi Claim proceedings, LC showed some 'bush tucker' he had gathered to the Commissioner and said that he had been taught to find it by his uncles, aunties and old people: 'That is what we come here for. Come out hunting, look after the place. Look for bush tucker … show the kids … how to eat it.' 572 The first applicants said that this evidence supported the existence of 'traditional laws and customs involving fishing and use of country, physical connection with country, and the exercise of rights arising from traditional law and custom'. 573 It is trite to say that the development of Darwin has restricted the ability of the Larrakia people to hunt, fish and forage in the claim area, because of restriction of access, development and pollution. There was an abundance of primary evidence that demonstrated this point, from witnesses including Annie Risk, Bill Risk, Pauline Baban, Helen Secretary, Joe Raymond, David Mills, Maureen Ogden, Lorraine Williams, Kevin Quall, Richard Barnes, LC, Eric Fejo, Roslyn Walker and Kelvin Costello. In his statement, Patrick Briston stated that 'It's hard having all these places restricted where we're not allowed to go and places being destroyed and polluted. We can't access most of the places we was taught about when we was kids.' In his evidence, Bill Risk said that twenty years ago, he used to gather shellfish from Dinah Beach but that he did not go there much anymore because development had depleted the natural resources. In the Kenbi Claim, he said that it was 'becoming increasingly harder to find traditional foods which a lot of Larrakia and - and Aboriginal people do depend on.' 574 The Territory submitted that this loss of access or ability to undertake hunting, foraging or fishing in the claim area was demonstrative of a loss of connection to the claim area. The first applicants dispute this, and understandably so, stating a loss of access to areas to exercise certain rights does not impact adversely upon the existence of the rights: 'Development is irrelevant unless it destroys traditional law and custom or is associated with the grant of rights and interests so as to extinguish any traditional rights it sustains.' 575 It was accepted by the Territory that certain witnesses gave evidence that their current hunting and fishing practices are motivated not only by a 'desire for sustenance' but also by a desire to maintain a connection with the land and their ancestors: Western Australia v Ward (2000) 99 FCR 316 at [157]. Patrick Briston, Bill Risk, Keith Risk, Eric Fejo, Morris Fejo and Lorna Talbot (in the Kenbi Claim) all gave evidence to this effect. Roque Lee explained that he goes hunting and fishing in the Darwin area 'for personal satisfaction, because I enjoy that sort of thing, but it's also looking after Larrakia country, it's keeping in touch with all the places that I used to go to, that I know of, and basically looking after country, as in checking on it and just going to the places.' 576 The Territory submitted that a system of hunting, fishing and foraging activities, as a way of 'looking after country' has arisen to fill the absence of a system based on spiritual connection to country. It was submitted that this system is so different to the pre-sovereignty system that it 'cannot be considered to be part of a system of "traditional laws and customs" which connect Larrakia people to the claim area'. 577 The DCC also highlighted the evidence of other witnesses, who said that they participated in hunting, foraging and fishing activities for sustenance and enjoyment, so supporting the notion that the desire to maintain a connection to country was a recent phenomenon. The first applicants rejected this position, stating that 'to be motivated to use one's country by the need for sustenance clearly involves "connection" under the system of law and custom that entitles you to regard country as your own.'

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Sharing, Conserving and Not Wasting Resources 578 The first applicants submitted that members of the Larrakia people observed a practice of sharing the resources of 'Larrakia country' with 'Larrakia family' and that a similar practice of limiting resource collection was also observed. 579 There was much evidence led from primary witnesses on this point. Some of the witnesses who gave such evidence included Pauline Baban, Rosemary Parfitt, Barbara Raymond, Lorraine Williams, Lawrie Raymond, Donald Baban, Joe Raymond, David Mills, Roque Lee, Eric Fejo and Patrick Briston. These witnesses spoke of a prohibition against greed and waste, the necessity for sharing food with the mob and the family. 580 In its discussion of the evidence in its written submissions, the Territory noted that some of the evidence suggested that a rule of only taking or catching what one needed existed. The Territory submitted that this was a 'fluid concept', depending on 'how much you catch, how many people you with to share your catch with, and whether or not you have a freezer'. It further submitted that the rule was more accurately expressed as 'you catch or take as many as you wish/can and if there happens to be more than you to keep for yourself, you give the remainder to others.' The first applicants acknowledged the flexibility of the custom, contending however that it is based on the core concept of 'necessity'. 581 The Territory also submitted that there is nothing about such a 'rule' which connects the Larrakia people to the claimed areas, or to pre-sovereignty Larrakia society. It also submitted that the custom or rule could not be said to be distinct to the Larrakia community, since rules about sharing, conserving and not wasting are taught by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal parents to their children. Indeed, it was submitted that such rules were taught to the Larrakia people by non-Aboriginal people during attempted assimilation in the 20th century. The first applicants replied that the fact that 'similar ideals might also be espoused by the human faces of various other institutions that some Larrakia people have been exposed to, and indeed by other Aboriginal groups, is beside the point. That a law or customs is [sic] not distinctive of and exclusive to the native title claim group is irrelevant.'

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Knowledge about Location and use of Bush Foods, Crafts and Medicines 586 Primary evidence also demonstrated that members of the Larrakia community possess knowledge about the location and use of bush foods, crafts and medicines. Witnesses gave written and oral evidence about how, where and when to find resources. 587 Helen Secretary, Mary Raymond, Tanya Williams, LC, Eric Fejo and Jocelyn Archer all gave evidence that a certain type of mangrove worm, when boiled, could be taken to aid coughs/colds. Donald Baban said that he had been taught by Ababa that a part of a certain fish caught at Vestey's Beach was 'good for sores and cuts', Pauline Baban described natural remedies for headaches and jelly fish stings, and in the Kenbi Claim Barbara Tapsell and Maureen Ogden said that the billy goat plum was high in vitamin C. In her statement, Dorothy Fox said that 'I need longbum as a medicine because I am a diabetic', and that 'There are plants to eat for blood pressure - different plums. … For sandflies you rub mud all over your body.' In the Kenbi Claim Mary Lee gave evidence that ingesting part of a white ants nest helped diarrhoea and green ants helped colds and coughs. In these proceedings, LC stated that rotten cheese fruit could be used on burns and to help colds, and that longbum is a bush medicine for arthritis. 588 David Mills gave evidence that hot sand had been applied to his legs to assist him to walk as a child. In his statement, he says that he was 'treated by traditional medicines, being smoked and having heat applied from hot sand to my legs'. In the book Saltwater People, he is quoted as saying that 'my mother told me that they used to burn my knees with hot sand to make me walk because I could not walk'. 589 Evidence was also given in relation the use of pandanus. Patrick Briston said that he knew how to use pandanus to make 'night lights'. Pauline Baban described watching, as a child, 'Granny Ababa' strip the pandanus to make baskets, and later in life, she has tried basket weaving as well. Lorraine Williams was also taught to make mats from materials - pandanus and natural dyes - from Larrakia country around Palmerston. She gave evidence that she was taught by her family to strip pandanus on Croker Island when she was young. Later, she was then taught 'different techniques' by people on Croker Island, and subsequently from a 'lady from Bulman' who was teaching a 'pandanus day' at Northern Territory University. In the Kenbi Claim, Gail Williams gave evidence about making pandanus baskets, and Lorna Talbot remembered her grandmother, Topsy Garamanak, weaving baskets and mats. 590 Witnesses also gave evidence about making canoes, spears and other bush craft. Richard Barnes said that he had made didgeridoos and a spear. George Munggulu explained to him how to make a spear, and Richard Barnes had also seen spears in the South Australian Museum. Roque Lee asserted that he makes spears from bamboo and using sugarbag wax, and that he was first 'taught by the old blokes at Delissaville' to make spears. Eric Fejo said his father taught him to make spear. Patrick Briston said he knew how to make spears and had made them, whilst Morris Fejo said he was still learning. Jim Fejo Snr said that he was shown by Smiler Fejo how to make a spears. Woomeras were used for fishing. Smiler Fejo also made Jim Fejo Snr a milkwood canoe, when he was seven or eight years old. Kenny Reid was involved in making the canoe which was photographed for the Northern Territory News. He said that it was a Larrakia canoe. When he made his first canoe, Kenny Reid was given advice by a Yirrkala man from Gove. He said that he first made a canoe as a child, however the evidence was not clear as to whether he actually manufactured the body of the canoe or whether he 'just put a sail on it'. 591 There is also an appreciable amount of primary evidence concerning the gathering of bush foods. That which follows is a sample of this evidence. Patrick Briston said that he knew 'when the seasons are and when the right times are to get things like the Barra breeding time, turtle egg laying time and seasons for plums.' Similarly, Keith Risk claimed that he knew 'where to get lots of different things - the seasons and the places'. Annie Risk recounted being shown by her mother how to find bowitj and 'all sorts of bush tucker', whilst Bill Risk showed Annie the fish trap at Nightcliff. Pauline Baban asserted that 'Granny Ababa' had showed her that bowitj would often grow together, and the location of yams at Lee Point and Buffalo Creek. In her statement, Dorothy Fox referred to '[p]lants that are available in the wet season … cheeky plum, bush apple, tamarind, bowitj - little potato, yams'. 592 Lorraine Williams gave evidence about her part in the preparation of a document tendered in these proceedings, the 'Larrakia Plant Identikit'. This Identikit was prepared as part of a Parks and Wildlife Commission of the Northern Territory project and states that '[t]he information was collected, collated and edited by Lorraine Williams, Donna Jackson and Glenn Wightman'. It drew on a number of sources, including interviews with such members of the Larrakia community as Topsy Secretary, Prince of Wales and Yula Williams, as well as on Lorraine Williams' own knowledge and that of non-Larrakia people connected to the area, such as Lena Henry and Felix Holmes. It also credited the use of Mark Harvey's Larrakia dictionary. 593 The first applicants submitted that the Identikit demonstrated 'ongoing Larrakia knowledge and use of resources in the Darwin area'. The Territory disputed this, on several grounds. Firstly, it was contended that the information in the Identikit could not be attributed to any particular person. Secondly, it was submitted that there is nothing in the Identikit to demonstrate that the information contained therein is particularly 'Larrakia' knowledge. Finally, it was argued that the Identikit cannot prove that such knowledge and use is 'ongoing'. It can only indicate a state of knowledge as at the time at which informants provided the information.

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Methods for Hunting and Preparation of food 594 Evidence was given on the hunting and preparation of crab, longbum, goose, turtle, turtle eggs, mussels and stingray. In its written submissions, the Territory addressed this issue by categorising evidence according to the type of animal hunted and/or prepared. It made a number of submissions on the issue, including that the evidence does not disclose a 'specialised method' of hunting particular species nor a 'customary or proper way to prepare and cook' particular food, and is inconsistent. 595 Patrick Briston, Dorothy Fox, Jim Fejo Snr and Eric Fejo all gave evidence about hunting crabs with a 'crab hook' or a crab stick, although the evidence varied from person to person. Dorothy Fox referred to using a 'wire' to hunt crabs, and Jim Fejo Snr and Eric Fejo spoke about making 'crab hooks' from 'mangrove sticks'. Eric Fejo said that 'nowadays we use crab pots - easier to get crabs when you set the pots over night.' Tanya Williams recounted that she had used 'tiny little spears' to 'stab' and then 'pull out' the crab from the mud. Helen Secretary did not specify how to hunt crabs, saying 'We find mud crabs on the mud or you can find them in … a hole, you've got to feel for them.' 596 Pauline Baban recalled the way that 'Granny Ababa' taught her to cook longbum on hot coals, and Juma Fejo recounted a similar method using hot coals. Maureen Ogden gave detailed evidence regarding the preparation of a goose for cooking, saying that on Croker Island, 'they don't cut [the goose] the way I cut it' and that it was the 'old' way. Other witnesses including Donald Baban, Barbara Raymond, Mary Raymond, Eric Fejo and Morris Fejo also gave evidence as to the preparation of a goose. This evidence contained some inconsistencies, although most witnesses remarked that it was necessary to singe the feathers of the goose on the fire. 597 Evidence was led from witnesses such as Pauline Baban and Morris Fejo on preparing turtle, and from Helen Secretary and Roslyn Walker on hunting and cooking mussels. This evidence was not materially inconsistent. A few witnesses also gave evidence as to the preparation of stingray - and this too was, for most part, consistent evidence, referring to the cooking on coals, and using the liver in the cooking. 598 Eric Fejo asserted that his family had showed him where to find turtle eggs, as did Robert Browne. LC was shown by Wadjign women how to find turtle eggs.

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Dreamings 599 The first applicants submitted that there continues to exist a customary belief that Larrakia country, people, rules and practices originate in and retain their currency due to the actions of creative beings before time. This belief encompasses the notion of 'dreamings', which term, the first applicants submitted, refers to 'both a past creation time, and to present experience, in which ancestral or mythical beings were, and remain, powerfully present in the landscape'. The first applicants further submitted that these beliefs have been passed down through generations of the Larrakia people, and that the transcript of proceedings in the current matter and in the Kenbi Claim are 'replete with references to Larrakia people having a belief in dreamings that underpins their personal beliefs'. The first applicants acknowledged in their written submissions that the extent of knowledge on the part of Aboriginal witnesses is 'variable', with some witnesses possessing extensive and specific knowledge, whilst others have limited knowledge. 600 The first applicants further submitted that the existence of 'dreamings' provide 'normative content' to the laws and customs of the Larrakia people. There is, it is contended, a common belief amongst the Larrakia people that dreamings exist and are responsive to human behaviour. This element of the spirituality of the Larrakia people provides, according to the first applicants, an element of 'what makes a practice a "law"' and provides 'incentive for sufficiently consistent behaviour to make a practice a "custom"'. The first applicants pointed to evidence of Keith Risk, who stated that eating food from certain areas is prohibited and that Larrakia people are required to 'look after' dreamings. This is a common theme throughout the evidence, as discussed below. 601 The first applicants, in their submissions, considered the dreamings in categories of sites. In contrast, the Territory considered the primary evidence in terms of types of dreamings - whether dreamings are personal, for the clan, or for the tribe.

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(ii) Personal dreamings 605 Lorraine Williams and Kelvin Costello gave evidence that a Larrakia person may have more than one dreaming. Lorraine Williams said that this may include a 'clan' dreaming and an 'individual' or 'personal' dreaming. 606 Certain witnesses, such as Bill Risk, Mary Lee, LC, Sam Fejo, Robert Browne and Kelvin Costello stated that they did not have any 'personal dreamings'. Other witnesses described what the Territory referred to as 'conception dreamings'. In his evidence, Bill Risk explained conception dreamings: '[s]ometimes you might be somewhere and see something that is out of the ordinary, and you later find out your wife is pregnant. That thing might be the dreaming for that baby.' 607 Lynette Shields, Barbara Raymond (both in the Kenbi Claim proceedings and in the current proceedings) and David Mills all referred to their personal 'conception dreamings'. In the Kenbi Claim proceedings, in 1989, Johnny Singh gave evidence that his daughter Raylene had 'turtle dreaming'. This was because when Raylene's mother was pregnant with Raylene, Johnny Singh had a dream that he was going to catch a 'woman turtle' and that Raylene would be a girl. The day after the dream, Johnny went out hunting for turtle and caught such a 'woman turtle'. Subsequently, Raylene was born. Her siblings, Jason and Zoe Singh, gave similar evidence in the Kenbi Claim proceedings as to the origin of their own conception dreamings. 608 Kevin Quall said in the current proceedings that the evidence by Johnny Singh about his children's conception dreamings was 'a damaging and detrimental bearing to our claim as Larrakias', saying that 'there was a lot of like misconception and too many stories were, that has a big impact on the Larrakia's evidence and it's in the transcripts on how they get that Dreaming and they got it from their father and there was Dugong Dreaming and Turtle Dreaming, and that instance was, as a very strong evidence that he was giving …'. The Territory submitted that the members of the Larrakia community to give evidence on conception dreamings 'took the evidence of John Singh "too far" in that: (a) the places of those conception dreamings became elevated to Larrakia dreaming sites; (b) the flow on effect of this is that other people's conception dreamings have also become elevated to Larrakia dreaming sites; and (c) it became important to have a conception dreaming and led to people going to some lengths to point to one of their own or of their children.' 609 Some witnesses asserted that their personal dreaming had been bestowed upon them along with their Aboriginal name. Lorraine Williams said that her dreaming was that of the hermit crab, because of the name she was given by Topsy Secretary. In the current proceedings (but not, it should be noted, in the Kenbi Claim proceedings), Richard Barnes said that he had been 'given' the frog dreaming by George Munggulu when the latter gave him the name 'Koolpinyah'. 610 Roque Lee gave evidence that himself and his relatives have 'birth signs', given to them when they were infants. He said that his nephew had an octopus dreaming, and that his son had a 'Gilbert's dragon' dreaming. His sister was given the long neck turtle dreaming by a woman at Belyuen. As for himself, Roque Lee said that he had the goanna 'birth sign' because he was born in the dry season during which time young goannas appear. Later in his evidence, he seemed to indicate that the goanna was not his totem/dreaming. The Territory submitted that the Lee family 'have created a new species of bestowed dreamings which are "birth signs", representative of a child's personal traits or physical characteristics, coupled with some form of presentation by the animal in question, which appears to amount to no more than a symbol or name which the child might use in its artwork as it grows older.' 611 In response to this submission, the first applicants argued that the evidence of Roque Lee illustrates 'a way of thinking in which he sees himself and others are connected to country through an association with a particular species'. I accept this submission. Mr Lee's evidence demonstrated a similar bestowal of dreamings on individuals as that described by other witnesses and demonstrates a link between country and an individual's dreaming. It was not so markedly different to that evidence advanced by other witnesses that I would place no weight on it. 612 There was also evidence of the inheritance of dreamings from family members. For example, in the Kenbi Claim proceedings, Topsy Secretary gave evidence that Raylene, Zoe and Jason Singh had the turtle and dugong dreamings because their father, Johnny Singh, also had those dreamings. In those proceedings, Raylene Singh confirmed this, saying that she got her dreaming from her father and he got it from his father. Robbie Mills also gave evidence that his father's personal dreaming was the black whip snake and that it would be passed on to him in the future. In contrast, June Mills gave evidence that her conception and name dreamings would not be passed on to her children since they are personal to her.

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(iii) Family/Clan Dreamings/Totems 613 Certain witnesses gave evidence that they have a family or clan dreaming, which was sometimes referred to as a 'totem'. This evidence contained inconsistencies, as it was not always corroborated by members of the same family, and other witnesses gave evidence that they do not have a family dreaming, or that they do not know what it is. In his evidence in the Kenbi Claim proceedings, Bill Risk said that 'A lot of other families may have lost the knowledge of their particular dreamings through no fault of their own, through history and so forth.' 614 Witnesses gave evidence as to various family group dreamings and totems. There was an abundance of evidence on the Danggalaba or salt-water crocodile dreaming. Bill Risk (both in the current proceedings and the Kenbi Claim proceedings) gave evidence that his family dreaming was the Danggalaba, as did Annie Risk, Pauline Baban, Topsy Secretary (in the Kenbi Claim), Lorraine Williams, Yula Williams, Tanya Williams. Lawrie Raymond and Dianne Quall. Other witnesses asserted that the Danggalaba is a 'totem' for all Larrakia people. These included Patrick Briston, Kenny Reid, June Mills and Rosemary Parfitt (the latter two in the Kenbi Claim), and Juma Fejo. Some of the evidence (for example, Robbie Mills in the Kenbi Claim proceedings) indicated that the Danggalaba dreaming keeps the Larrakia people safe from crocodile attack in the region's notoriously dangerous waters. The Territory submitted that this was refuted by evidence from LC, that a crocodile circled his boat, and from Morris Fejo and Eric Fejo, who both recounted having to 'watch out' for crocodiles when hunting. 615 Another dreaming on which there was a plethora of evidence was the Butumba or Sea Eagle dreaming. There was confusion amongst witnesses as to whether the 'Butumba' was properly named a 'brown and white sea eagle' or a 'Brahminy Kite'. However, the confusion, it seems was limited to nomenclature and did not relate to the physical form of the bird itself. 616 Annie Risk and Topsy Secretary (both in the Kenbi Claim) referred to the Butumba dreaming. Maureen Ogden, Judith Williams, Gail Williams and Lorraine Williams all gave evidence that the Butumba dreaming was their family dreaming. Kevin Quall referred to it as a 'totem' passed down through generations, and Dianne Quall said that the sea eagle was a totem of the Danggalaba clan, along with the salt-water crocodile. The Territory referred to an article in the Northern Territory News which stated that the planned Larrakia cultural centre would be in the shape of an eagle, that being the 'totem of the Larrakia people'. 617 Joe Raymond gave evidence that he was told by his mother that the family totem was the Black Cockatoo, although he was unaware of his clan area. Various members of the Fejo family gave evidence in either the Kenbi Claim proceedings or in the current proceedings that the family dreaming was a frog. Jim Fejo Snr and Rosemary Parfitt both said that it was a brown and white frog, whilst Lynette Fejo claimed it was a green frog. Eric Fejo, Juma Fejo and Lorelle Fejo did not specify the type of frog. Jim Fejo Snr also said that Felix Holmes had told him that the totem was a frog and a turtle. 618 Other family dreamings which were referred to were the Itchy dreaming of the Iynarrayn clan, in relation to which Pauline Baban gave evidence, and a large dog dreaming, mentioned by both Lynette Shields and by Helen Secretary (who said it was a 'bad spirit'). 619 A number of witnesses gave evidence that because of their personal or family dreaming, they were prohibited from injuring or killing the animal the subject of such dreamings. Instead, it is important to 'protect' the animal, and 'take care' of it. Witnesses who gave such evidence in the current proceedings included Patrick Briston, Bill Risk, Helen Secretary, Lorraine Williams, Lawrie Raymond, Roque Lee and Eric Fejo. Robbie Mills, Gail Williams, Lorraine Williams, John Singh and Jason Singh gave similar evidence in the Kenbi Claim proceedings. 620 There were some anomalies within this evidence - for example, Bill Risk said that he had been 'croc shooting' in the past, although he personally did not kill any crocodiles. 621 Lynette Shields and Robbie Mills (in the Kenbi Claim proceedings) gave evidence that they could not talk about their respective totems at night. 622 The Territory accepted that the primary evidence demonstrated that in general, Larrakia witnesses considered themselves to have dreamings, both of a personal and family nature. However, it was argued that the witnesses did not show themselves to have an understanding as to how and for what reasons a person has a particular dreaming. The Territory also submitted that there was no understanding exhibited of the significance of having dreamings, in terms of behaviour or rights or obligations. Accordingly, it cannot be said that this 'law or custom' is one by which the Larrakia people are 'united by acknowledgement and observance'. 623 The Territory also pointed out that, in contrast with the primary evidence in relation to family dreamings and 'totems', Mr Graham asserted that the totemic system of the Larrakia group's Aboriginal ancestors no longer exists today. 624 The first applicants accepted that there 'are a range of ways in which Larrakia people, on the basis of practices handed down to them, see themselves as spiritually connected with certain places and things.' The first applicants also accepted that 'not all Larrakia people see themselves as having these particular kind of connections.' It was submitted that it is not a requirement that each law or custom individually unite the Larrakia community, but that the 'body' of laws do so. The first applicants argued that 'in the absence of evidence of any law or custom at sovereignty that required … uniformity, its absence does not give rise to adverse inference'.

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Mythical Malevolent Being 625 Claimant witnesses gave evidence of Larrakia mythology concerning the existence of an evil creature. The historical record, discussed below, disclosed the existence of a myth concerning an 'evil spirit' or 'devil-devil'. In the current proceedings, witnesses such as Helen Secretary, Lorraine Williams, Tanya Williams, Lawrie Raymond, Eric Fejo and Morris Fejo referred to this creature/being by various appellations, including 'birrawulidda', 'birrawullirra', 'birrawul', 'birauel', 'browl', 'brawal', 'brawel', 'brawirila', 'barral', 'devil-devil', 'hairy man', 'pig man', 'monster', 'hairy monster', 'nocturnal monster', 'manganda man', 'perrita man', 'pederra', 'a dangerous being' and 'like yeti'. Other witnesses, including Bill Risk, Maureen Ogden, Keith Williams, Gail Williams, Bill Danks and Raylene Singh, all gave evidence about this myth in the Kenbi Claim proceedings. 626 The Territory submitted that the evidence with respect to the physical characteristics of this being, as well as its location, intention, and 'the appropriate behaviour to avoid or appease it' was so inconsistent as to demonstrate that 'knowledge about it has been lost and that it can no longer be said to be a traditional law or custom giving rise to a connection to land or waters on Larrakia country'. It submitted that instead it constituted an 'urban myth'. 627 There are certain inconsistencies in the primary evidence. Certain people, such as Helen Secretary, Maureen Ogden and Raylene Singh, referred to the mythical creature by names - for example, 'pederra' and 'manganda man' - which are not derivative of names used by the majority of witnesses - 'brawel'. In addition, descriptions of the creature vary, with Keith Williams describing it as a 'big dog', Bill Risk saying that it was a 'hairy gorilla thing' with a red eye and Morris Fejo referring to a 'pig man or a hairy man'. The creature's motivation is also the subject of inconsistent evidence. Helen Secretary alleged that 'it just wants fresh fish' and that it will not be a danger if some fish is left for it. In the Kenbi Claim hearing, Keith Williams said that the creature would 'come after you if you eat fatty foods'. In his written statement, Morris Fejo gave his opinion as to the genesis of the myth: 'There's another story - everybody knew about it at Bagot - about near the mangroves at Bagot - a demon will chase you out if you're out late - a pig man or a hairy man. It's like an old wives tale the old people used to tell us to get us home before dark. But one night my grandfather was coming back after dark with a big sugar bag of fish and he felt something tugging at his back - when he got back to Bagot there was nothing left in the bag. I think they still respect that story at Bagot - they tell their kids not to go into the mangroves at night. … I tell my kids stories down there - and stories about the spirits coming out at night - keeps them close to camp. When you've got a lot of kids there and they're mucking about, after dark - tell them a demon or a devil might take you - enticing you into the mangrove and they'll get lost - its to get them to go to sleep early, to get them to play where you can see them, to keep an eye on them.' 628 In written submissions in reply, the first applicants submitted that the 'evil creature' is a normative element of the Larrakia system of traditional laws and customs', being 'scary to children and … invoked for normative purposes to enforce conforming behaviour'. I agree that the primary evidence, and especially that of Morris Fejo, quoted above, demonstrates the normative aspect of this mythological being. The first applicants also contested that the inconsistencies in the evidence were understandable, given the spiritual rather than physical nature of the creature: 'It is clear that the "devil devil" is no more confined to being one precisely defined being, or to being only at one or a number of particular places … than the "bogey man" of the mythology of the non-indigenous household. He lurks in the dark in places where you come to expect him and others where you might least expect him. It is difficult to describe him, so descriptions vary.'

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(i) 'Calling out'/ 'Singing out' to Spirits 633 'Calling out' to spirits involves the action of calling to the dreamings on the land and to the spirits of ancestors. Many witnesses gave evidence about this custom, during both these proceedings and the Kenbi Claim proceedings. Maureen Ogden stated that she called out to the spirits of ancestors when she required assistance: 'Sometimes I just go fishing and if I don't get bite, then I'll call out to old people and ask them to give me some fish.' When asked to whom she would call, she responded, 'the people who have - have already left us and gone. … If I'm on this country it would be Larrakia people.' LC, Jock McLennan and Tibby Quall all gave evidence of calling out to Old Man Rock. Other witnesses who gave evidence in relation to calling out included Donna Jackson, Pauline Baban, Richard Barnes, Lorraine Williams and Lawrie Raymond. 634 The Territory submitted that although the evidence disclosed that members of the Larrakia community called out to spirits, there was a great deal of inconsistency in relation to the details of who called out, to whom, when to call out, where and how to call out. It was also submitted that the custom of calling out was a 'relatively recent phenomenon', which has arisen following observation of other Aboriginal groups. 635 Reading through the transcript of the evidence on this topic, it is clear that there is no absolute uniformity between members of the Larrakia community. Keith Risk said that he did not always call out but will do so if he has not visited an area before. He said that he called out in English. Pauline Baban asserted that she calls out to ancestral spirits in either Larrakia or English. Lynette Shields said she used certain Aboriginal language words, and Eric Fejo said that it was better done in Larrakia language. Kenny Reid calls out quietly, Lawrie Raymond said that he called out sometimes out loud, and sometimes quietly. Roslyn Walker said that she does not call out aloud. This is just a sample of the evidence. 636 The first applicants admitted that there might be inconsistencies in the evidence. However, it was submitted that the Court should look at the evidence on a general level, to determine whether or not a law or custom does exist. This I intend to do, after outlining the evidence in relation to washing in saltwater and leaving offerings. 637 It is convenient, however, to deal now with the Territory's second submission in relation to the allegedly recent genesis of this practice. This is based on the absence of any references to calling out in the historical records. Further, primary evidence indicated that Larrakia people had observed a similar practice being undertaken by non-Larrakia people during the Kenbi Claim proceedings. Alice Briston gave evidence that Betty Bilawuk had called out to a sea eagle, Dianne Quall gave evidence in the Kenbi Claim proceedings that Johnny Singh had told her to 'sing out to that old man' and Richard Barnes said in the same proceedings that he had been told to call out by Johnny Biyanamu. 638 The Territory also pointed to a newspaper article from 30 April 1994 headed 'Revenge of Old Man Rock', which quoted Topsy Secretary as saying that 'native people used to talk to the Old Man in the Larrakia language when they went past' [emphasis added]. 639 The first applicants responded by pointing to evidence of witnesses indicating that they were taught by their elders to call out. Kevin Quall said that he had learned to sing out to ancestors 'to give us fish and crab', when he was 'just growing up you learn things, piece by piece at a time'. Eric Fejo said that he had learned to call out to 'old people' after seeing his father do the same thing. 640 LC gave evidence that he had learned about Old Man Rock and the 'Larrakia custom' of calling out when he was a teenager, from his uncles. The Territory had relied on cross-examination of LC that indicated that prior to the Kenbi Claim proceedings, he had not heard about asking permission to be on country. Upon examination of the transcript, I consider this to be an incorrect interpretation of LC's evidence. He described an event during the Kenbi Claim proceedings when Felix Holmes, a non-Larrakia Aboriginal man, was asked to come and explain a particular site. When Felix Holmes arrived, he sat all night at the site - asking permission of ancestors to come on to and speak about Larrakia land. 'MS WEBB: And when that old man you told us the story about him asking permission from the ancestors - - - MR C: Yeah. MS WEBB: Yes, did he tell you that that's because he was on someone else's country and his, is that what he told you? MR C: Yeah. MS WEBB: And you hadn't heard about that before, had you? MR C: No, no.' 641 I consider that LC's evidence in the two instances was not directly inconsistent. This is because, in relation to the evidence concerning Felix Holmes, he was asked about seeking the relevant ancestors' permission to be on someone else's country. However, although his earlier evidence was that he had been taught to call out to ancestors in his adolescence, his response to the quoted questioning to my mind suggests that the stranger to Larrakia country would ask permission of the ancestors to do so. It would be surprising if LC had not heard of such a rule and have answered the last question quoted in that way if he knew of a rule that Larrakia persons generally had to do so.

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(ii) Washing in Salt Water - Giving 'Sweat' to Country 642 The primary evidence discloses that the act of washing one's self in seawater is performed to allow country to imbibe one's sweat, so that the country/dreamings/ancestral spirits will know the person. A number of witnesses gave evidence in the current proceedings and during the Kenbi Claim proceedings about sweat and its relationship to their link with country and to their ancestors and dreamings. Morris Fejo gave evidence that he had been washing himself in saltwater since he was six years old, having been taught to do so by his father. He gave the following evidence about his experiences at Wickham Point: 'Mainly during the dry season I come out here for hunting and fishing because it is mainly when you can drive out to it, you know. … I was there last year fishing; we took that whole family of about 12 people, we camped for the weekend, did all the traditional stuff there that we did; hunted, gathered. And the first thing that we'd do, we would go down to the front - you know, all the boys would go down the water, and we have sweat, and say to our ancestors that we are here fishing, can you feed us, you know, give us fish? And usually that is what happens.' 643 Rosemary Parfitt said that her father would wash babies in saltwater and that she does the same thing when at the beach to 'put our sweat in that water and call for … [Dariba] to come and help us and make us strong again'. Pauline Baban and Donald Baban both gave evidence that they were washed in saltwater as children by their grandmother, Ababa. Pauline Baban also gave evidence that she had introduced her daughter's sweat to country by washing her in saltwater. In the Kenbi Claim proceedings, Bill Risk said that he would leave his sweat in the water in Belyuen and that it would be spread through the dreaming tracks to Larrakia country as well. In those same proceedings, Barbara Raymond said in 1995 that she had practised the custom of leaving sweat since she was a child, having been taught by her elders. In 1989 she did not give evidence at all in relation to sweat. She explained this discrepancy by saying that her childhood memories had been revived by being back on country during the Kenbi Claim proceedings. Annie Risk, June Mills, Dorothy Fox, Roque Lee and Eric Fejo all gave evidence as to the importance of sweat. LC said that he had learned about putting his sweat in the saltwater as an adolescent and had also mixed sweat with other Aboriginal people from different groups. 644 The Territory submitted that the evidence was inconsistent and that this showed a 'general lack of understanding as to the importance of sweat and when and how a person's sweat should be conveyed to country'. The Territory suggested that while some people wash in saltwater to put their sweat into country, others do not. The evidence it pointed to, that of Patrick Briston, Keith Risk, Maureen Ogden, Judith Williams, Kevin Quall and Raylene Singh (in the Kenbi Claim proceedings) did not whole-heartedly endorse this viewpoint. Only Maureen Ogden said that whilst she knew Larrakia people who bathe themselves in seawater, she did not do so herself. Patrick Briston and Keith Risk both said that that they did not introduce their sweat to country as their sweat is already on the land. Keith Risk's opinion was that he would only wash himself in saltwater and reintroduce his sweat to country if he had been off country. Judith Williams said that she had known about sweat for a long time. Kevin Quall said that the act of giving sweat to country was an 'Aboriginal belief', and that while he knew lots of Larrakia people who practiced this, he could not confirm that it had happened prior to the Kenbi Claim proceedings. 645 The Territory also submitted that the Larrakia people learned the practice of washing in seawater to give sweat to country during the Kenbi Claim proceedings. I do not doubt that certain of the witnesses learned about the practice this way. Donald Baban said that he had learned about sweat during the Kenbi Claim proceedings and that he had been washed at Belyuen, even though he had been washed in saltwater by his grandmother, Ababa, as a child. Pauline Baban said that she was uncertain as to whether she had been bathed in saltwater at Belyuen during the Kenbi Claim proceedings, and said that she had not recognised the significance of giving sweat to country until she was an adult. Roque Lee claimed that he had learned about giving sweat to country 'a couple of years' prior to the Kenbi Claim proceedings. He confirmed that it was usual for Larrakia people to wash in saltwater to give sweat to country, but that it was not common 20 years ago.

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Involvement in 'Ceremony' 648 In the first applicant's points of claim, it is claimed that there is a 'continuing ideal concerning and incentive for participation in, and responsibility for, ceremony among Larrakia people.' In written submissions, the first applicants accepted a number of propositions. First, it was accepted that the Larrakia people no longer practise a distinctly 'Larrakia' ceremony. It was accepted that within the modern Larrakia community there has been an 'attenuation' of knowledge in relation to and in the observance of customs associated with 'ceremony'. Further, it was accepted that ceremony in an Aboriginal culture involves the celebration and reinforcement of the connection between people and country. 649 The Territory submitted that the function of ceremony is the transfer and reinforcement of knowledge about dreamings, sites and laws, and that it is also the process through which law breakers are punished. Primary evidence supported this submission. For example, Lorraine Williams asserted that Aboriginal women are taught about laws in ceremony, and can also be disciplined in ceremony for breaking those laws. In written submissions in reply, it was accepted by the first applicants that ceremony is a component of Aboriginal society that can be a significant element in a normative system. 650 The first applicants submitted that the Court ought not to consider 'ceremony' as simply comprising initiation or large group ceremonies. Rather, it was contended, the ceremonial life of the Larrakia people ought to include practices such as the usual mourning rituals. It was also submitted that the Larrakia participate in ceremony, in various places such as Belyuen (discussed at length below) and that the memories of the previously active ceremonial grounds on the Darwin side of the harbour - for example, at the Larrakeyah Barracks - still affect the behaviour of members of the current Larrakia community. That particular site was referred to by Morris Fejo as a 'Man dreaming, a Man ceremony area'. 651 The first applicants also submitted that, if there was to be a finding that the Larrakia people did not have ceremony, a finding that no native title rights exist should not necessarily follow. The first applicants submitted that it had not been suggested that the existence of 'ceremony' is fundamental to the existence of rights and interests and that such rights and interests may exist in the customary association between Larrakia people and country and in the 'rightness' of Larrakia people regarding Larrakia country as 'their country'. 652 In the context of the following discussion of primary evidence, I use the word 'ceremony' as encompassing large group gatherings and initiation rites. 653 It was submitted by the first respondent that the primary evidence disclosed that no ceremony has been conducted on Larrakia country on the Darwin side of the harbour for 'many years' and that the last people to be involved in Larrakia ceremony on Larrakia country (apart from on the Cox Peninsula) have since passed away. 654 Bill Risk said that he had been taken to a ceremony ground by his father who had himself been taken there a 'long time ago'. Pauline Baban gave evidence that she had been told by Felix Holmes that he went through 'that old Danggalaba ceremony' with Bobby Secretary, Tommy Lyons and Billy Shepherd. Pauline Baban also said that 'we never had the opportunity to participate with ceremony' for reasons including the fact that the Larrakia people were 'spread everywhere'. When questioned by counsel for the first respondent, Pauline Baban was unable to say whether or not there were people in Darwin who knew about ceremony and dance. LC claimed that Prince of Wales was the last 'ceremony man'. Jim Fejo Snr said that his father and Uncle Smiler were 'ceremony men', and Rosemary Parfitt said that her uncle Sam Fejo was a 'traditional man' who had been initiated. In 1990, during the Kenbi Claim proceedings, Sam Fejo said that 'everything stopped 100 years ago' and that 'no ceremony held when the white man came'. JF gave evidence that her husband and sons had been initiated. 655 Evidence was led in the Kenbi Claim proceedings from witnesses such as Topsy Secretary, Keith Williams, Kevin Quall and Richard Barnes. Topsy Secretary said that her father, Frank Secretary, had been involved in ceremonies at the Larrakeyah Barracks as well as at Two Fella Creek, on the Cox Peninsula. Keith Williams said that his father, Victor, had been through ceremonies at Daramanggamaning, Two Fella Creek. Keith Williams was unable to say what his father's status was. In 1995 Kevin Quall asserted that Victor Williams was one of the last people to go through ceremony, although in the current proceedings he admitted he had said this because Victor Williams would go to Two Fella Creek on holidays, near the Daramanggamaning ceremonial ground. Yula Williams also said that Victor Williams had been involved in ceremony from a young age. 656 During the Kenbi Claim proceedings, Richard Barnes gave evidence that he had been informed by George Munggulu and Delfin Cubillo that 'men's business' had been shifted to Daramanggamaning when the Darwin area had been heavily built up. 657 Various witnesses during the Kenbi Claim proceedings and the current proceedings have expressed a wish for the revival of ceremonies. For example, in 1989, Bill Risk said that he felt he had 'a responsibility to try and pick up the ceremony, and to pass it on to the kids.' In cross-examination by Mr Quall, Donald Baban agreed that ceremony should be 'brought forward'. 658 Evidence was led as to the involvement of members of the Larrakia people in ceremony with other Aboriginal groups, at places such as Belyuen. Maureen Ogden said that that her son and her brother, Keith Williams, had been through ceremony on Croker Island. In the Kenbi Claim proceedings, Keith Williams confirmed this. Kevin Quall said that there had 'always' been a link with the groups in Western Arnhem Land. Eric Fejo claimed that he had been through ceremonies in 1997-1998 at Oenpelli. Morris Fejo said that he had started going through ceremonies which he described as 'all over Top End ceremony', '5 years ago' at Acacia, and that his family had been put through ceremony by Belyuen, Arnhem Land and Daly River people. Lorraine Williams said that she had twice taken part in the women's part of the young men's initiation ceremony on the country of her mother, who was a Bunitj woman. Tanya Williams said that she had been involved in ceremony in both Arnhem Land and in Western Australia. 659 Bill Risk said that ceremony was shared with 'nearby mobs' and Annie Risk in 1995 said that there was a close ceremonial connection with the Tiwi Islanders. Pauline Baban gave evidence that she was informed by Felix Holmes that different groups share ceremony. 660 The Territory submitted that in general, the Larrakia people's only recent involvement in ceremony has been through invitation by the Belyuen people to participate in ceremonies, most of which occurred during the Kenbi Claim proceedings. There was certainly primary evidence indicating that a number of Larrakia witnesses had participated in ceremonies on the Cox Peninsula with Belyuen people since the inception of the Kenbi Claim. 661 Bill Risk said that his daughters had been 'through ceremony' with Larrakia and Belyuen women on the Cox Peninsula in the late 1990's. He denied that it was during one of the ceremonies performed for Justice Gray as Aboriginal Land Commissioner during the Kenbi Claim. Annie Risk said that she had attended a women's ceremony on the Cox Peninsula in 1996 organised by women from Belyuen to teach the Larrakia women, and that she had been informed that the Larrakia people were connected through ceremony to the 'Tiwi mob, Wadjigiyn mob'. 662 Keith Risk said that although he had not been through ceremony, he went through a brief ceremony at Mandorah, on the Cox Peninsula, which took place during the hearing of evidence in the Kenbi Claim. Pauline Baban referred to a women only ceremonial site about which she learned during the Kenbi Claim. She also gave evidence that she had participated in a couple of ceremonies there after 1989 and before 1995, at which her mother was a 'senior Larrakia person'. Lorraine Williams also became involved in ceremony for the first time during the hearing of the Kenbi Claim. She also witnessed a ceremony performed by Wadjigiyn and Larrakia women at Belyuen, at the same time as the Kenbi Claim proceedings in 1995. Similarly, Mary Lee was involved in ceremony during the Kenbi Claim hearing. JF participated in women's business on the Cox Peninsula as a child, however, there was uncertainty as to how many times she did this. Before Justice Gray in 1995, Raylene Singh gave evidence that the Larrakia women from the Darwin side of the harbour had not been involved in ceremony until recently. 663 I hasten to add that the above is only what I consider to be a representative excerpt of what is a large amount of primary evidence in both the current proceedings and the Kenbi Claim proceedings in relation to participation in ceremony on the Cox Peninsula. 664 It is clear from the primary evidence that there are no longer any ceremonies (in the sense of that word as explained above) which take place on the Darwin side of the harbour, including in the claim area. The first applicants also accept that there is 'little doubt' that the intensity and consistency of Larrakia involvement in ceremonies has diminished since sovereignty. 665 It is also clear that there has been a revival of sorts. Larrakia people have participated, and perhaps continue to participate, in ceremonies with other Aboriginal groups and in other places, primarily the Cox Peninsula. 666 The first applicants submitted that the Larrakia people have always had ceremonial links to other Aboriginal groups. It is submitted that the current position is simply an adaptation of the old ceremonial system. This adaptation was necessitated by the settlement of Darwin, the influx of people from other Aboriginal groups into the Darwin region, the removal of Aboriginal people to the Kahlin Compound, and the other various exigencies of history to which I have referred. The Territory, on the other hand, submitted that the current links to other groups are an attempt by the Larrakia people to revive their own ceremonies which are 'virtually non-existent'. It submitted that 'this situation is a stark distinction between the Larrakia society which existed at the acquisition of sovereignty and the Larrakia society of today.' The Territory further submitted that the current Larrakia society, lacking in distinctly 'Larrakia' ceremonies, does not enable the reinforcement and transmission of knowledge which process forms a fundamental purpose of ceremony.

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Knowledge about Sacred Sites 667 The primary evidence indicates a varying degree of knowledge of significant spiritual sites in the Darwin area, including the Claim Area. In the map of significant Larrakia Sites around Darwin (the Site Register), prepared by Mr Graham, there are nine such sites. 668 The map also identifies important sites for resource use, and areas of historical significance to the Larrakia people. Among those who had knowledge of particular sites, generally their knowledge did not extend to a detailed awareness of any story for the particular site or the origin and significance of the site. Nor, generally, did their knowledge enable them to identify site specific rules for access, use or caring for those sites. Bill Risk in his evidence during the Kenbi Claim described the knowledge of stories and dreamings as 'nearly all gone', and June Mills, also in her evidence in the Kenbi Claim, said 'we are only putting the pieces together now of what the full stories are'. 669 The first applicants contended that the significant feature of the evidence is the inherited awareness of the importance of the sites, rather than awareness of particular rules about avoiding or caring for specific sites. However, in my view, the level of awareness of significant sites does not tend to indicate a process of inheritance or transfer of such knowledge in accordance with traditional laws and customs. 670 Most witnesses referred to the Dariba Nanggalinya (Old Man Rock) site. There were only three other sites which were frequently referred to in evidence, the others being Gundal, Damoera and One Mile Dam. The latter two are not identified in the Site Register referred to as of sacred or spiritual significance. Other evidence was given about Catalina Island (Yirra), the sand bar at Myillyi Point or at Cullen Bay, the burial ground at Mindil Beach, a mosquito dreaming place at Leanyer Swamp, and a Banyan tree at Casuarina Beach. That is not a list of all sites referred to, but a reference to those more commonly referred to. There were a number of other sites mentioned specifically by Bill Risk, Lorraine Williams and Tibby Quall, and to a lesser degree by Richard Barnes and Donna Jackson. 671 The historic record prior to 1990, according to Dr Wells, referred only to Dariba Nanggalinya and the freshwater spring at Lameroo Beach (Damoera). 672 Having regard to the evidence of those who are the more senior members of the Larrakia people at present, there was no clear correspondence between their knowledge of the sites referred to and others, and their seniority. Yula Williams referred to only three sites and had limited knowledge of their significance or of any rules relating to them. Maureen Ogden also did not have an extensive knowledge of the sites. Nor did Judith Williams, Mary Raymond, Florence Devine or JF. Nor was there any clear indication that a significant number of the Larrakia people either numerically or by status, had a clear knowledge of the stories relating to those sites. That is not to say there is no attempt by them to learn more or to understand more about the sites of significance in the Darwin area and now to pass on that knowledge. The reverse is obviously true. But apart from a generally acknowledged understanding of the responsibility to care for sites, there was little precision about the significance of particular sites. There were sometimes contradictory pieces of evidence about particular sites and their significance or the responsibility which attached to them. 673 I was unable to draw from that evidence any indication of a normative society holding information about sites of spiritual significance in the Darwin area, including the claim area, and involving an appreciation of, and a responsibility for conveying the spiritual significance of those sites. Whilst there has clearly been some passage of knowledge from one generation to another, the evidence points to it having been at a personal level rather than in accordance with some normative system involving commonality of traditional laws and customs for the passing of such knowledge.

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Elders/the Larrakia Nation 680 The first applicants submitted that respect for the authority of elders is an aspect of the current Larrakia social organisation. A number of witnesses gave evidence on this point. For example, Morris Fejo gave the following evidence: 'MORRIS FEJO: … In every family we were taught to respect our elders, people that are older than us, we were shown to respect them but listening to what they've got to say and not to over-ride their authority. MR BLOWES: All right. And do you have a view as to why you respect old people? MORRIS FEJO: Because they are the holders of our past; they know the stories, they know, well, more than what the new generation knows, and by respecting them, then it's up to them to let us known then. MR BLOWES: And if you don't respect them? MORRIS FEJO: Then you won't get anything out of them; they won't tell you nothing, the old people. MR BLOWES: Right. And do your kids know anything about that idea, about respecting old people? MORRIS FEJO: They know who to respect, the elders; they listen. We were taught from a young age that, from all our uncles and aunts, to look, learn and listen. That's one of the family mottos we always use; we teach all our young people nowadays.' 681 The Territory submitted that there were discrepancies in the evidence led by the first applicants and that there was little agreement as to the identity of elders in the Larrakia community. The evidence was not entirely consistent as to the identity of elders. However, there were similarities in the evidence. Certain members of the Larrakia community were named as elders by a number of witnesses. For example, Yula Williams was named as an elder by Patrick Briston, Bill Risk, Lorraine Williams, Eric Fejo, Donna Jackson and Roslyn Walker. Other senior Larrakia people named as elders by witnesses included Mary Raymond, Lucy May, Alice Briston, Molly Shepherd, Raylene Singh, Tibby Quall, Lindy Roman and Rona Alley. Members of the Larrakia community who were named as elders but who are now deceased included Topsy Secretary, Prince of Wales and Victor Williams. 682 Eric Fejo described 'his' elders as the 'old people' in the Fejo family, as well as the old people from the other family groups. This evidence demonstrated a general trend of witnesses naming the old people from their own family group as elders. 683 The first applicants submitted that 'eldership' is not a formal institution within the Larrakia community and therefore it is understandable that there might be inconsistency. 684 The Territory also submitted that the elders named by witnesses have not demonstrated that they are 'fully acquainted with the law'. It relied on a statement by Justice Gray in the Kenbi Claim, to the effect that elders are people 'fully acquainted with the law and accepted as the arbiters of disputes and the essential decision-makers on a wide range of issues.' The first applicants submitted that 'no evidence is referred to for the proposition [that] law and custom acknowledged and observed by Larrakia [people] requires, or ever required, that every elder must be "fully acquainted with the law".' The first applicants contended that this was an arbitrary standard and was not supported by the evidence. 685 It was submitted by the Territory that, upon examination of the primary evidence, there is not consensus among the witnesses as to the decision-making ability of the Larrakia elders and whether their decisions can bind the whole of the Larrakia community. There is, it was submitted by the Territory, confusion as to whether the decision making involved (a) a process based on that which occurred in the 'old days'; (b) a modern process encapsulated by the Larrakia Nation Aboriginal Corporation (Larrakia Nation); or (c) a system based on majority vote. 686 In its response, first applicants made a number of points. Firstly, that the primary evidence demonstrates that when issues arise the elders are looked to to make a decision. The system should be judged 'not by the hard cases, but by its general functionality'. Secondly, that not every decision about Larrakia country requires the involvement of the elders of the community. It was submitted that it would be the 'exception rather than the rule that a question would be so significant … as to require the involvement of the entire community through their elders.' Thirdly, that the role of elders is broader and more pervasive than simply decision-making. Finally, that there is a limited need for Larrakia community-wide decision making. 687 Annie Risk described a process of discussion, consultation with the senior Larrakia people, followed by further discussion. She said that 'whole mob' was involved. Similarly, Eric Fejo said that the 'senior elders' make decisions. He explained that if a decision were required in the context of his work with the Larrakia Nation, he would consult the elders, and report back to them. The Territory pointed out that Eric Fejo also said that he sometimes reports back to the elders at a point after the decision has been made, implying that the final decision did not always rest with the senior members of the community. 688 Other witnesses such as Tanya Williams, LC and Juma Fejo gave evidence that the elders in the Larrakia community are the decision-makers. Richard Barnes said that 'someone who has more knowledge' should make decisions and that development decisions should be made by 'somebody with knowledge and responsibilities for [the particular] area'. Kelvin Costello said that the elders were the senior family members of the recognised family groups, and that within the Roman Danks family, there would be a process of discussion with the senior members of the family and any subsequent decision would be 'in line with those discussions'. Pauline Baban asserted that she had accepted a particular decision made by Topsy Secretary because she was an 'elder Larrakia'. In relation to the negotiated settlements made in respect of the East Arm Port development, and settlements in resepct of other development, Pauline Baban spoke about the 'general Larrakia people consensus' and the 'general feeling' amongst her own family and the families in the Larrakia Nation of satisfaction with the outcome. 689 Lorraine Williams gave extensive evidence regarding the nature of decision-making in the Larrakia community. When pressed by counsel for the Territory, she said that the governing committee of the Larrakia Nation could make decisions that are binding on all Larrakia people. She stated that most Larrakia people would look to others in their family to make a particular decision so that it would be binding on all Larrakia people. Likewise, Richard Barnes remarked that a decision could be binding on all Larrakia people if there was consultation between all of the family groups. 690 In her evidence, Lorraine Williams said that the Larrakia community had become a 'collective society' involving both elders and young people in the decision-making process. Keith Risk gave evidence that the governing committee of the Larrakia Nation might include young people. 691 Lorraine Williams also attested that her immediate family practised the 'proper' way of decision-making, which she learned when she was 'growing up'. If a decision needed to be made, she and her sisters would ask advice from their brother and it would 'normally' be left up to him to make the decision. If it was a decision concerning women's issues, then Lorraine Williams claimed that she would make the decision herself without consultation with her brother. 692 The Territory submitted that the primary evidence discloses that the Larrakia Nation is not representative of the entire Larrakia community and is similarly not accepted by all Larrakia people as a 'binding and collective decision making body'. 693 Bill Risk, a former Chairperson of the organisation, explained the genesis of the Larrakia Nation. In his written statement, tendered into evidence, he attested that the 'Larrakia Nation was developed to look after the interest of claimants in relation to community development issues. Each family is represented by 2 members on the governing committee. They make day to day decisions about doing welcomes, sitting on committees and so on … I was involved when the Larrakia Nation was set up. There was me, Richard Fejo and Rosemary Fejo's deceased brother, doing a lot of work for Larrakia … . We sat down and talked about it and tried to work out how to structure something that would represent everybody in the Larrakia but still allow the families to do their things separately. We wanted something like an umbrella organisation that would represent all the families and their family organisations. We invited all the families who are claimants to a meeting to consider it.' 694 In his oral evidence, Bill Risk said that the families who were given an opportunity to be represented on the governing committee included the Batcho family, Danks Roman family, Shepherd family, Fejo family and Cubillo family. He accepted that the Singhs had never become members of the organisation, that it may be the case that no one from the Secretary family had been a member, and that there are families represented on the governing committee which may not be Larrakia. 695 Donna Jackson and Kelvin Costello gave evidence, separately, as to how the organisation works. Donna Jackson said that are eight families which can be represented on the governing committee, including Raymond/Mills, Batcho/Williams/Alley (including the Qualls), Browne/Talbot/Kenyon, Shepherd, Fejo, McLennan, Cubillo, and Roman/Singh. Kelvin Costello was the co-ordinator of the Larrakia Nation, something which he said was a 'very important part of being Larrakia'. He described the decision-making body of the organisation as comprised of Larrakia family groups. 696 Of the eight families which are admitted to the governing committee of the Larrakia Nation, five to seven of these families usually participate in the organisation, according to Donna Jackson. From the evidence it appears that neither the Singh family nor most of the Cubillo family are involved in the organisation. Witnesses were uncertain as to whether the Secretary family had ever been members of the organisation. Kelvin Costello said that the Larrakia Nation represented 200-300 people out of the 1500 (according to his estimation) people who identify themselves as Larrakia. 697 Donna Jackson provided the Court with an insight into decision-making by the Larrakia Nation governing committee, saying that sometimes only younger members of the family groups are on the committee, and that decisions are made by a voting system. She also said that the governing committee would consult senior people form other communities - for example, the Belyuen community - when necessary. 698 Evidence from Tibby Quall, Dorothy Fox and Richard Barnes highlighted the existence of disquiet among some members of the Larrakia community concerning the Larrakia Nation. Tibby Quall said that he and his family were not members of the Larrakia Nation, and '[t]he Larrakia Nation works in a democratic system; it doesn't work in the Aboriginal system.' Dorothy Fox said that the Cubillo family and the Talbot family were part of the Larrakia Association, rather than the Larrakia Nation. In oral evidence, Richard Barnes agreed that not all members of the Larrakia community agreed with the concept of the Larrakia Nation. Counsel for the Territory suggested that the Larrakia Nation would not be accepted by all Larrakia people as making decisions that were binding on them. Richard Barnes agreed that that might be the case. 699 The first applicants contended that the evidence does not suggest that the Larrakia Nation is a 'substitute or embodiment of traditional life or decision making' and that it does not purport to make decisions that bind all Larrakia people, nor can it. The decisions of the Larrakia Nation can only bind its membership, and it does not involve itself in decisions that involve all Larrakia people. I will of course refer further to these contentions when explaining my conclusions.

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Transmission of Knowledge 700 The first applicants submitted that the Larrakia people observe and acknowledge a set of principles and practices for the transmission of knowledge from elders to the young people of the community. They contended that this was an informal and continuous process with no age limit on the acquisition of knowledge. It was further argued that the primary evidence led from members of the Larrakia community demonstrated to the Court that the transmission of cultural knowledge and customs continues to be a 'vital ongoing process'. 701 The Territory made a number of submissions in support of the proposition that there had been a breakdown in the transmission of traditional laws and customs. Firstly, that the cultural knowledge has in some cases not been passed on and certain of the claimants are 'still learning'. Secondly, that knowledge held by the members of the Larrakia people was not transmitted to them in accordance with traditional laws and customs. Thirdly, that the type of knowledge transmitted to younger generations is limited to practical knowledge rather than cultural or spiritual knowledge. Finally, that the passing on of knowledge today is a revival of the system which was interrupted. I will address each of those matters in turn. 702 The primary evidence indicates that a number of witnesses were not taught about various traditions and cultural practices when they were young for a variety of reasons, including their removal as children fromtheir families or from the Darwin region. The circumstances in which that occurred are set out above. Kenny Reid said that he was 'missing knowledge' because of the time he had spent at the Retta Dixon home. In the Kenbi Claim hearings, Evonne Odegaard and Donna Odegaard gave evidence that they had only discovered that they were of Aboriginal descent two years earlier and were trying to learn more. Robert Browne asserted that he had been discouraged by his father from learning anything about Larrakia culture, but that he had learned from watching his mother do things. Annie Risk, Donna Jackson and Dianne Quall (in the Kenbi Claim hearings) claimed that they were not taught progressively by their elders as they had left the Darwin area. Pauline Baban said that she did not know about names, locations, language, sites or dreamings until the time of the Kenbi Claim, because both her mother and grandmother had been afflicted with a speech impediment. She learned about 'bush tucker' from these figures by watching them. 703 Other witnesses simply said that their parents and elders did not tell them information. Yula Williams said that her mother did not tell her about sites or dreamings on the Cox Peninsula; Dorothy Fox said that she had not been educated until later in life; and in the Kenbi Claim hearing Richard Fejo said that 'it still makes me angry that I don't know the knowledge that I should, that I'm entitled to know', whilst Juma Fejo said that 'we wasn't taught and wasn't shown much of the places of the dreamings and the names of them.' 704 Primary evidence was also led as to witnesses who were 'still learning' about the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia community. The Territory submitted that while it was accepted that education of Larrakia people would progress over a person's entire lifetime, adults were now learning knowledge that should have been learned during childhood. 705 Witnesses such as Dianne Quall, Dorothy Fox and Basho Fejo gave evidence that they were 'still learning'. In the Kenbi Claim hearings, Annie Risk said that she had a 'lot to learn' because she would be an elder one day. Similarly, in the current proceedings, Annie Risk said that she could not speak about certain issues because she had not yet obtained all the knowledge, although she had been taught the traditional laws. Her evidence emphasises the need to be alert to the distinction between the progressive passing on of knowledge in accordance with traditional laws and customs on the one hand, and cases where - for whatever reason - those holding knowledge simply did not pass it on in accordance with their traditional laws and customs. 706 In response to the matters put forward by the Territory, the first applicants pointed to the substantial amount of evidence from members of the Larrakia people that demonstrated their knowledge, inferring that it had been transmitted to them. The first applicants highlighted the evidence of Annie Risk, asserting that it illustrated a case of a Larrakia person who had returned to Darwin as an adult and had 'substantial knowledge' imparted to her 'progressively, informally and by practical demonstration by her family and close relatives'. 707 In relation to the Territory's second submission on this issue, the question whether knowledge held by the members of the Larrakia community was not transmitted to them in accordance with traditional laws and customs can be broken up into two issues - the identity of teachers of knowledge, and other ways of learning knowledge. 708 Certain witnesses gave evidence that they had learned knowledge about Larrakia laws and customs through people who were not their 'parents' (including parents, uncles and aunts). The Territory submitted that this evidence inferred that the 'parents' of these witnesses did not hold the knowledge or did not participate in the transmission of knowledge. 709 Annie Risk said that Pauline Baban had instructed her. Donald Baban said that 'older people' had taught him, including the Secretarys, the Whites (who were Malak Malak people), and the Rankins, as well as his older sisters. Helen Secretary said that she learned from Topsy Secretary and Bobby Secretary, who were a generation older than her mother. Lorraine Williams learned from Topsy Secretary and Richard Barnes was taught by George Munggulu (although he said he also learned from Delphin Cubillo). 710 Witnesses also referred to being instructed in Larrakia laws and customs by people who were not Larrakia people themselves. In particular, numerous witnesses, including Keith Risk, Pauline Baban, Lorraine Williams, Tibby Quall and JF gave evidence that they were indebted to either or both of Felix Holmes and Lena Henry for their instruction. Evidence was led that both of these people were from the Limilgnan community. 711 People from Belyuen were referred to by a number of witnesses as having taught knowledge. Patrick Briston in his written statement and LC in oral evidence both stated that they had been taught by members of the Singh family at Belyuen. Barbara Tapsell in the Kenbi Claim hearing said that Betty Bilawuk had taught her, as did Patrick Briston in oral evidence in the current proceedings. Morris Fejo said that people from Belyuen, Arnhem Land and the Daly River area had taught Larrakia people certain ceremonies. Maureen Ogden said that she had learned from her mother, who was an Iwaidja woman. Rona Alley also said that Maureen Ogden and Lorraine Williams' mother had had an 'influence' on her. 712 Witnesses gave evidence that they had learned about aspects of Larrakia culture through other methods, including books, courses of study, and, of course, through hearing evidence and speaking to other people involved in the Kenbi Claim hearings before Justice Olney and subsequently Justice Gray. It was the submission of the Territory that these witnesses would not have had to adopt such measures if knowledge had been imparted to them progressively and in accordance with traditional laws and customs. 713 Pauline Baban said that she had became interested in doing research on the Larrakia community as she had aged, and that this had happened prior to the Kenbi Claim. Donald Baban said that he had read books on the subject but that what people say was more important than the content of books. Tony Lee agreed that it is better to obtain information orally. Tibby Quall acknowledged that he had done an 'enormous' amount of reading and research on the Larrakia people. Dorothy Fox said that she had tried to learn about Larrakia customs through the South Australia museums and library when she first discovered her Larrakia heritage. Richard Fejo said he had learned a lot from his studies at university. 714 In the Kenbi Claim hearings, a number of witnesses said that they either taken courses of study to learn about Aboriginal culture, or incidentally learned information in the course of other study, such as Pauline Baban, Barbara Tapsell, Evonne Odegaard and Kathleen Minyinma. 715 There was primary evidence in these proceedings and during the Kenbi Claim hearing which indicated the opinion of various members of the Larrakia community - including Morris Fejo, Maureen Wanganee and Barbara Tapsell - that the 'Belyuen people' possessed a great deal of knowledge about Larrakia laws and customs. Some witnesses referred to the Belyuen people as the 'custodians' of Larrakia knowledge, and commented on the failure of the Belyuen people to pass on this knowledge. The Territory submitted that 'the fact that the Belyuen people are the repositories of a great deal of Larrakia knowledge and that they ultimately refused to impart this knowledge is a clear indication of the breakdown of the traditional system of progressive knowledge.' 716 Witnesses gave evidence as to the existence of traditional laws and customs which may have hindered the transmission of knowledge, accounting for any gaps in their or their parents' knowledge. These traditional laws and customs fell into three broad categories: firstly, the avoidance of a deceased person's name, secondly, gender issues and thirdly, a general rule that children should be seen and not heard. It was submitted by the Territory that evidence on this issue was contradictory and inconsistent. For example, Annie Risk said that gender issues had prevented her from learning certain things, but she also said that her brothers taught her certain things on her return to Darwin. However, it should be noted that Lorraine Williams and Dianne Quall also referred to gender restrictions on the transmission of knowledge. 717 Robert Mills in the Kenbi Claim hearing said that the avoidance of deceased's name had prevented the transmission of knowledge. He also said that he did not learn many things as a child because children should not ask questions. Maureen Ogden referred to a similar rule. 718 This evidence was disputed by the Territory on a number of grounds. It submitted that the practice of avoidance of a deceased's person name could not impact on the acquisition of knowledge in relation to sites and dreamings. It was also submitted that the notion of children not questioning adults is not a specifically 'Larrakia' custom. Finally, it was submitted that the assertion that Aboriginal practices impeded the flow of knowledge runs counter to the notion that Aboriginal history is and has always notoriously been of an 'oral nature'. 719 In relation to the issue of children, a tradition does not have to be exclusive to the Larrakia people to be a traditional law and custom of this society. Nonetheless, on the face of the other two submissions, especially concerning the oral nature of Aboriginal history, it would seem that the Territory is correct. However, it is important to look at the bigger picture. I accept the submission of the first applicants that '[i]t is one thing for a witness to say that there were certain things they did not learn from a certain person (e.g., Annie Risk from her brother) or on a particular occasion (e.g., Maureen Ogden as a child, from listening to a conversation between adults), it is another to conclude from that that they did not learn those things at all.' Indeed, witnesses such as Maureen Ogden and Annie Risk were among the most knowledgeable of the members of the claimant group who gave evidence. I will return to the process by which they, and others, acquired that knowledge in the conclusions section of this part of my reasons for judgment. 720 The Territory's third submission in relation to the acquisition of knowledge was that the type of knowledge transmitted to younger generations is practical knowledge, such as knowledge about hunting, fishing and foraging, rather than both practical and spiritual knowledge. Jim Fejo Senior said that he had not been taught anything about dreamings. Rachel Costello in the Kenbi Claim hearing said that she had not learned anything about dreamings because she had been in institutional care. 721 As the first applicants pointed out in their reply, such a submission on the Territory's behalf strictly separates practical and spiritual knowledge. It is arguable that such a strict delineation is not realistic, especially concerning Australian indigenous culture, which is linked inextricably to country. The content of knowledge which superficially concerns hunting, fishing or foraging, may also include information about laws and customs pertaining to the spiritual aspects of the Larrakia community. 722 The Territory accepted that there is evidence of a 'revival' of the system of transmitting knowledge to the younger generation, although it was submitted that this was in relation to hunting, fishing and foraging, rather than the 'broad spectrum' of laws and customs. Witnesses who gave evidence about teaching younger people about the spiritual side of being Larrakia include Keith Risk, Tibby Quall, Rosemary Parfitt and Morris Fejo. 723 The central issue in relation to the transmission of knowledge between generations (putting aside any interruption to the transmission of knowledge) is whether there is a requirement for the current system of transmission of knowledge to be the same as that which existed at the time of sovereignty. There has been no evidence tendered as to the latter. The Territory relied on the description of the system of transmitting knowledge in the Kenbi Claim, by Justice Gray. However, for reasons outlined above, I have decided it is not appropriate simply to adopt his Honour's findings on such matters. 724 The NT Act does not require a specific method for the transmission of knowledge between generations of an Aboriginal society. Section 223(1) requires that the 'rights and interests are possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs observed' and that the Aboriginal group have a connection with the land or waters 'by those laws and customs'. In Yorta Yorta at [79], the majority said that '"traditional" does not mean only that which is transferred by word of mouth from generation to generation, it reflects the fundamental nature of the native title rights and interests with which the Act deals as rights and interests rooted in pre-sovereignty traditional laws and customs.' The majority went on to say that demonstration of some adaptation or change will not 'necessarily be fatal' to a native title claim, and that the 'key question is whether the law and custom can still be seen to be traditional law and traditional custom.' 725 The current proceeding presents a situation where (a) there is no documentary or expert evidence of an historical or anthropological nature indicating the existence of any traditional system of transmission of knowledge at the time of sovereignty; and (b) it is obvious, given the notorious oral nature of historical tradition of all Australian indigenous societies, that such a system must have existed; and (c) primary evidence indicates that current members of the Larrakia community have obtained knowledge through a variety of methods, including (but not exclusively) from other Larrakia people, from non-Larrakia people, from books, from courses of study, and from the Kenbi Claim hearings which spanned many years. A series of events - such as the removal of children from their parents, and removal of people from the area during the war, detailed in the outline of the history of the area, above - have precipitated this process and the need for it. 726 I regard it as significant that the recent processes for the acquisition and transmission of cultural knowledge are somewhat piecemeal. It is not a criticism that they have that quality. It is a consequence of the history of the Larrakia people during several decades of the 20th Century. I am prepared to infer that the process of knowledge acquisition and transmission which existed at sovereignty (and which I have found continued to the time of settlement in the 1870s and beyond) was not of the same piecemeal character; it was likely to have been a process effected within formal rules of the Larrakia people as to who should hold, and pass on, knowledge; when they should do so; and to whom they should do. It was unlikely to involve any passing on of knowledge from non-Larrakia people. 727 It is also important, however, also to consider the content of that knowledge. That is, the question is whether the community has the same set of laws and customs as it did at the time of sovereignty, allowing for any adaptation which may have occurred over the past 180 years. If it is found that the traditional laws and customs which give rise to rights and interests have remained unchanged (again allowing for adaptation), then the fact that the method of transmitting them has been adapted to cope with the exigencies of the past, will be less significant. 728 Before turning to my conclusions more generally, I remark on one particular issue. The Belyuen people of the Cox Peninsula were said by some witnesses to possess knowledge of Larrakia traditional laws and customs. It was also said or inferred that the Belyuen people held Larrakia traditional laws and customs in trust for the Larrakia people until they could be brought back to the Darwin area. I do not accept that the Belyuen people were deliberately and intentionally appointed as 'custodians' of Larrakia knowledge during the 20th Century in that way. There is no evidence to suggest that. Rather, I accept that with the movement of many indigenous people from Darwin to Belyuen during World War II, the knowledge of those Larrakia people became shared with the Belyuen people and so they became a repository informally for that knowledge, or what was shared with them. I do not consider the evidence goes further than that. Over time, it may be that certain laws and customs of the Larrakia people became absorbed into the Belyuen people's awareness and practices. In my judgment, there was no sustained positive attempt to maintain at Belyuen the integrity of the knowledge and customs of the Larrakia people as distinct from those of the Belyuen community.

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Extent of Larrakia Country 732 However one regards the extent of 'Larrakia country', that is, the country which was traditionally occupied by the Larrakia people at settlement, it clearly encompasses the land and waters of the claim area. However, the Territory contends that the evidence as to the extent of Larrakia country is contradictory in significant respects, or is not known by those generally within the compass of the Larrakia people, so that the knowledge of the extent of Larrakia country which existed at sovereignty has not been passed on to the current generations, and their knowledge does not reflect the passage of that traditional law of the Larrakia people. 733 Foelsche (1895) indicated that the indigenous tribes in the northern part of the Territory each had a recognised boundary which was always respected, and that he had never heard of any disputes over those boundaries. In that context, one might expect that the Larrakia people's knowledge of the extent of Larrakia country would be reasonably settled. In fact, the evidence does not confirm that is the case. 734 It seems common enough ground amongst the witnesses that Larrakia country is bounded on the coast by the Adelaide River and by the Finniss River. It is its inland boundary which has been the subject of some inconsistent evidence: it was said to extend to Darwin River Dam (Patrick Briston), to the Adelaide River Manton Dam (Keith Risk and others), to 47 Mile, to the Daly River (Jocelyn Archer), and to and past Pine Creek (Lorelle Fejo). Indeed, some members of the Fejo family took a quite expansive view of the extent of Larrakia country, including extending it east and west beyond the two rivers referred to. Others who were said to be some of the senior people in the course of evidence did not describe with any precision the extent of Larrakia country boundaries: Annie Risk, Barbara Raymond, Yula Williams, and JF. Some, including Donald Baban acknowledged that their knowledge of the extent of Larrakia country was informed by evidence in the Kenbi Claim: he said that it was becoming 'smaller over time', whereas Morris Fejo said that it was increasing over time. 735 As the Territory pointed out in its submissions, there is also contradictory evidence as to how a particular person is entitled to assert that that person is a Larrakia. Some simply attribute the status of being a Larrakia through having been told, or from immediate parentage. Some, including Patrick Briston, Annie Risk, Lorraine Williams, and Richard Barnes indicated that, where there was a parent who was not a Larrakia person (whether of European ancestry or of another Aboriginal group), that person may elect to identify whether to follow their mother or their father, and so elect whether to be a Larrakia person or a person of another tribe (in the case of other Aboriginal parentage). Amongst those witnesses, there was no consistently expressed rule as to who should make such a choice (the person concerned or one or other of their parents), nor as to the time at which the choice is made. Patrick Briston said the choice would be made by the individual 'when they grow old' or come of age. Maureen Ogden said it was up to the children when they grow up to decide. Raylene Singh in her evidence in the Kenbi Claim said that her mother made her choice for her. She said it was made when she was a young girl aged nine or 10. There was also some evidence that a particular person may continue to identify with more than one area of country. Maureen Ogden said that she felt connected to and looked after country of both her mother and father who were of different groups, as did Tania Williams, and LC (of his children).

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Looking After Sites 738 I accept the contention of the first applicants that, in considering the significance of evidence on this topic, it would be artificial to restrict it only to those sites within the claim area. The claim area is but part of the wider claimed 'traditional country' of the Larrakia people. The system of rights and interests which they assert is across that wider area. To assess its significance, it is appropriate to look at the evidence of that system of rights and interests generally across the area, and how it is applied in relation to sites both generally across the area and in relation to the claim area. 739 As noted, the Site Register identifies a number of sites of significance. I have also remarked above that the evidence relating to individual sites indicates, to my view, that rules about the stories attached to sites, about caring for particular sites, or about avoiding particular sites are presently rather general. Indeed, as Bill Risk said, 'full stories' of most of the dreaming sites on the Darwin side of the harbour have been lost. 740 In my view, the evidence does not demonstrate a general understanding and expression of the knowledge about stories, songs and ceremonies for sites and looking after those sites. Nor does it demonstrate a particular process of acquisition of knowledge about those matters. There is a general impression derived from the evidence that the Larrakia people, or most of them, in general terms know that it is important to 'look after country' by going to it or past it, by checking on it, by hunting, fishing and foraging in it, and by protecting it from damage. But it is a generally held understanding, and not one which, in my view, demonstrated a detailed knowledge about the manner in which particular sites are to be cared for, looked after, or preserved. 741 The first applicants submitted that the premise upon which the Territory's submission is based is fallacious. The Territory submitted that there should be site-specific knowledge, so that details of the stories or ceremonies relating to each significant site (or to many of them) should be consistently and coherently reported by those who should know of them, as well as knowledge of the significance of those sites and how to respect them. It also submitted the evidence did not reveal that picture. The first applicants contended that the Territory's submission 'assumes a non-existent bench mark' by assuming that rules about avoiding sites or caring for them must be specific, prescriptive and consistent. They say that there is no evidence supported those assumptions. I accept that it is not necessary for the same level of specificity to apply to all sites. There is no material to support that. Nor, I accept, is it necessary for the Court to be informed in detail of every rule in relation to every site by every witness and that such evidence be meticulously consistent. That is self-evident. 742 On the other hand, it is clear from the evidence overall that many of the sites to which evidence was directed (the submissions refer to some 35 or so of them) had particular detailed knowledge concerning them available in the past, and that that knowledge in large measure no longer exists or was not shown to exist. Bill Risk accepted that 'there are different laws for different sites'. He said: 'There are sites which are beneficial and sites which you should stay right away from. There are different sites that you can be affected by, for instance, if you were to go anywhere near ceremonial grounds, your health, other people's can be affected. … For [certain] sites, different laws apply to different sites along the track.' He referred to sites which are exclusively for males, sites exclusively for females, sites where males of a certain stature only are entitled to go, sites where damage can have adverse consequences and the like. As I have noted above when discussing dreamings and songs, the evidence also indicates some inconsistency in the present knowledge of the sites, to the extent that such knowledge exists. 743 Much of the evidence about particular sites indicates that rules about avoiding and caring for sites has been lost, leading to the generalities to which I have referred. Mr Risk in the course of the hearing in the Kenbi Claim acknowledged that he himself was still learning about a number of sites, and that the Larrakia people generally were in that process because they did not at that time have that knowledge. His brother Keith Risk referred in his evidence to a number of sites of which he had become aware; he said he could have access to them as he got older, even without having going through ceremonies. 744 I have referred to the evidence about particular sites at some length above. I note that Dolly Garinyi attended the site at Emery Point (Gundal) which was a ceremonial site to which women were said to be excluded. Some evidence was adduced to suggest she was authorised to do so. I thought it was an ex-post facto rationalisation, and that her visit was more likely to reflect, as the photograph of her visit shows, that the law restricting women from going to that men only site was no longer being observed. 745 Victor Williams emerges from the evidence as a person who in previous generations was a significant Larrakia elder. Even in his case, the evidence of what he passed on was not entirely consistent with the passage of traditional laws and customs. Despite his knowledge, it appears at least from the evidence of Yula Williams and of Lucy Batcho, given in the Kenbi Claim hearing, that he identified to them Daramanggamaning on the Cox Peninsula as the only place which women should not go. Joe Raymond did not know of any places on the Darwin Peninsula where men should not go because they were women's places. Jocelyn Archer did not know of any places of significance to women only in the claim area, or in the larger Larrakia country. She was told of a place or places at Holmes Jungle where she and other females ought not go, and she has passed that on to her children as well as telling them they should not go near the Leanyer Swamp. Juma Fejo referred to a lot of women places on Larrakia country. He also referred to women being divided into two groups for the purpose of their dreaming sites: female women and warrior women. The picture is not one of a coherent and consistent learning of traditional laws and customs. 746 It is important to re-iterate that my reference to the evidence is not intended to be comprehensive. I have had regard to what each witness said about each site mentioned below, but I have not expressly referred to it all. I have endeavoured to discern the general picture of such evidence. I have referred to witnesses to the extent I regard their evidence as helpful to demonstrate particular features of the evidence given by the witnesses concerning a particular site. 747 Knowledge of stories, songs and ceremonies for sites is still developing. Bill Risk in the Kenbi Claim hearing said that the Larrakia people 'are still learning, with the help of Belyuen people and other tribes they're giving back knowledge to the Larrakia all the time.' 748 None of the above is intended to diminish the very significant efforts of the Larrakia people, focused through a number of them, including Lorraine Williams, to look after their country. It is partly done through the Larrakia Nation. Lorraine Williams is preparing the Larrakia Plant Identikit to record and to facilitate the passing on of knowledge. She accepts that it is to promote an awareness and understanding of the cultural knowledge of the Larrakia people associated with common plants in the Darwin and Cox Peninsula regions. She is also active in collecting seeds and providing plants for revegetation of certain areas, including the Kulaluk area. I note also the evidence of Roque Lee that he would periodically burn areas of the country as part of looking after it, to propagate new plants and to clear areas for hunting. Morris Fejo was another of those who engaged in such activities, as did Lorraine Williams. 749 The following evidence relating to particular sites confirms that general conclusion. 750 Several witnesses referred to Acacia Ridge Larrakeyah Reserve. Annie Risk said she was told by her cousin brother that something 'travelled through there', but she was not told, and does not know, more about the story. Jocelyn Archer has lived in Acacia Gap for a long time. She said there were both women's and men's sites in the vicinity. One dreaming, the Mermaid Dreaming at Manton Dam, was conveyed to her not by a Larrakia person but by Lena Henry. On the other hand, Sam Fejo, who lived in the area, said in the course of the Kenbi Claim that he knew of no Larrakia places at Acacia Gap. 751 There was some evidence of a Bailer Shell Dreaming near Wickham Point. Keith Risk, who principally spoke about it, was quite uncertain as to its origins and as to its details. He accepted that he may have assumed the existence of the dreaming himself, as he did not remember having learned of it. Tibby Quall described it in a little detail, but was the only person to do so. Raylene Singh, during the Kenbi Claim hearing, referred to the same dreaming track as Mr Quall (Ngayin. Gilmak) but did not say that it extended to the Darwin side of Darwin Harbour. 752 Evidence was given about Banyan trees being dangerous because their vines were the hair of an old lady, and so could do you harm by entangling you. On the other hand, Helen Secretary gave detailed evidence of a Banyan tree at Kulaluk which was the location of a common meeting place and held no such threats. Others, such as Barbara Raymond, described playing in Banyan trees when they were young. A particular Banyan tree on Rapid Creek, opposite the Casuarina Coastal Reserve, was also described as a meeting place. LC gave evidence of a different Banyan tree near Nightcliff, but he never learnt the full story for that tree. 753 Two witnesses only, Maureen Ogden and Lorraine Williams, gave substantive evidence of a rock site referred to as Binybara at Lee Point. They they described the rock as the wife of Dariba Nunggalinya (Old Man Rock). It is referred to in the Site Register, but was otherwise not the subject of significant evidence. 754 Similarly, a site referred to in the Site Register as Birrawilg at East Point was referred to only by Mr Quall as having a 'Night Dreaming' there. 755 There was also differing evidence about the significance of Black Jungle. Keith Risk did not know of any significant areas there, although Maureen Ogden says she had been told it was a sacred place for men. She was unable to locate it more precisely, other than to suggest that it might be around the Howard Springs area. She heard that information only from her father, and has not heard it otherwise from any other persons. Lorraine Williams also knew of that site. She gave during the Kenbi Claim evidence that she had heard of it 'just recently', but during the present hearing she first attributed her knowledge of there being a men's ceremony site there to her father and family, but also attributed it to information given by Maureen Ogden just before the Kenbi Claim hearing. She too did not know its location with any precision. Mary Raymond also knew that there is a sacred site at Black Jungle, but she did not know whether it is 'a tree or a rock or something else'. Laurie Raymond also knew of that site in general terms, but had found out about it only in recent times. On the other hand, Roslyn Walker, who played in Black Jungle as a child as one of her favourite places, had no knowledge of any sites in that area and was never told about them. 756 The Site Register also records a significant resource site at Buluwurrg, at Shoal Bay. Richard Barnes in the Kenbi Claim hearing gave evidence that there was a men's business place there, but Lorraine Williams who went out there as a child on a number of occasions when her father was alive heard of no such information. 757 Three ceremony sites at the Howard River area were also referred to in the Site Register. Richard Barnes gave the most detailed evidence about those sites. He indicated that he could give further information about them in closed session, but was not asked to do so. He learnt the information from George Munggulu, and learnt the names of the sites from two non-Larrakia people, Felix Holmes and Lena Henry. He had the sites registered as sacred sites some years ago. Neither Bill Risk nor Keith Risk gave evidence about those sites, other than to indicate a general awareness of the existence of a ceremonial ground in the Howard Swamp area. On the other hand, Freddie May, who used to go hunting geese in Howard Swamp with his father and uncles, was never told about those dreamings or sites at such places. 758 Bill Risk referred to a Crab Dreaming near Vestey's Beach. No other evidence was given about it, except that he identified (in the course of the Kenbi Claim) that it was Barbara Raymond's dreaming. Her evidence was that it was a personal dreaming to her because, when her mother was pregnant with her, she burnt a crab she was cooking at a particular site on Vestey's Beach and, when Barbara Raymond was born, she had a crab shaped mark on her back. 759 Damoera (Lameroo Beach) is also identified as a significant site in the Site Register, including because of its dreaming. A number of witnesses referred to the Trevalley Dreaming where a trevalley jumped out of the water onto the bank and hit his eye on the rock; where his eye hit the rock is the source of the spring. Lorraine Williams described learning about that site when asking Topsy Secretary for information generally about the Larrakia people whilst at Kulaluk in about 1990. She does not know where the spring is, and has not been to see it. Tibby Quall also referred to that story. Richard Barnes identified two springs, which he described, in the vicinity. Apart from Mr Quall, no other witness referred to the two springs. 760 Dariba Nunggalinya (Old Man Rock) has already been referred to at some length. It is clearly an important Larrakia site, if not the most important Larrakia site. A number of witnesses gave evidence that it is a place where people are not allowed to go. Bill Risk said 'humbugging around Old Man Rock can cause tidal waves or abnormal tides'. Mr Quall described his Uncle Victor Williams as the real custodian for Dariba Nunggalinya. The evidence also suggests that it is part of the Kenbi dreaming track from Belyuen to particular areas around the Darwin Peninsula. Not all witnesses had heard of that aspect of the story. Morris Fejo described the story at some length, and said that there are dances and ceremonies that are done for Old Man Rock, but he does not know what they are called and does not know them. There is also no other evidence to describe those dances or ceremonies. 761 Delimnar at Holmes Jungle is on the Site Register as a significant mythological site. There appears to have been no other evidence concerning it. Perhaps Tibby Quall, who referred to a place called Kuliwa, was speaking of it. 762 A number of witnesses also referred to a little Old Man Rock in the East Arm area near the mouth of the Adelaide River. The evidence as to its location was rather vague. Some of those who referred it to such as Roque Lee, JF and Jim Fejo Senior did not speak of it being a dangerous site, although that was presented as the story by other witnesses. In the East Arm area, there was evidence from Lorelle Fejo about the Wickham Point Beach area involving a black crocodile called 'Lurky', but Morris Fejo did not refer to it although he frequented the area, and Susan Roman who gave evidence during the Kenbi Claim also did not refer to it. She claimed to have a particular affinity with the East Arm area, particularly Yirra Island referred to below. 763 I have also referred above at some length to the Frog Dreaming-Ngartbangartba near or in the Dripstone Caves. There was very little evidence describing the dreaming, or describing the song for that Frog Dreaming (except as to its existence). It was principally referred to by Bill Risk, Kenny Reid, Pauline Baban, Helen Secretary, and Tibby Quall. 764 Galan(gwa) is recorded on the Site Register as an area of historical significance. It is at the site of Kahlin Compound at Cullen Bay. Several witnesses referred to a Mermaid Dreaming at the sandbar off Cullen Bay, although there was no detail of it. Susan Roman in the Kenbi Claim hearing said that the Mermaid Dreaming does not exist any more, following the development of Cullen Bay. 765 Gundal has also been extensively referred to above. As I have indicated, there is no clear picture as to the extent to which, if at all, women are permitted into the Larreyah Barracks in its vicinity, particularly having regard to Dolly Garinyi having done so both when working there and subsequently to 'protect' the site. That led to some evidence being given of a dispensation to elder persons where gender restrictions would normally apply. The first applicants point out that such evidence does not demonstrate that the focal point of the site is not a location to which woman are not permitted. 766 The evidence about a site or sites at Gunn Point was quite short. Bill Risk mentioned it during his evidence in the Kenbi Claim. Tibby Quall referred to a ceremony ground at Gunn Point in a little detail, and Robert Brown referred to sites at Gunn Point (which he was told about by a non-Larrakia person during the 1970s). Donna Jackson apparently referred to a different site at Gunn Point from that referred to by Mr Quall which 'had been forgotten', but which she found with Lena Henry (a non-Larrakia person). 767 Gurrumbay is recorded on the Site Register as of significance. It is near the mouth of Rapid Creek, but beyond the line of the salt water. There was for a time a mission station there. Bill Risk referred to it as a sacred site, where there is a freshwater spring. The general import of the 10 or so witnesses who referred to it was that it was at the first bend or elbow of Rapid Creek above the high water line. There was no evidence of any particular dreaming concerning it, nor any rules concerning its use. 768 Both Kenny Reid and Richard Barnes gave evidence of a site near Stokes Hill Wharf which is a Tawny Frogmouth Dreaming site. Neither described it in any detail. There was no other evidence in any detail about it. Keith Risk said that he had not heard of it when he was asked about it. 769 I have mentioned the Kenbi Dreaming track above in the context of Old Man Rock. It is a dreaming track which Bill Risk described as giving water to the Larrakia people as it travels across the country. Bill Risk (during the Kenbi Claim hearing) said that the words Kenbi Kenbi have the Larrakia name Danggalaba. Roque Lee said that the word Kenbi, or the words Kenbi Kenbi, mean in Larrakia hollow bamboo or, perhaps, little waterholes. He learned of the Kenbi Dreaming from a non-Larrakia person, and then subsequently during the Kenbi Claim hearings. 770 Knuckeys Lagoon was referred to in the evidence as a ceremonial area. Only Bill Risk (in his Kenbi Claim evidence) and Tibby Quall so identified it. Others who used the area during their childhood were unaware of that site as a particular significant site. 771 Koolpinyah is near Gunn Point. Although several witnesses mentioned it, the evidence about it was quite confusing. It was described as a waterhole, as a Tiwi burial ground or, more generally, as a burial ground for a range of indigenous groups. It was described by Richard Barnes only as a site connected to the Frog Dreaming at Wutut on the Cox Peninsula. It was described as a blue hole by Roque Lee, who learned that from a non-Larrakia person. It was described by Juma Fejo as a place where there was a dreamtime story about two dancing women who sank into the waterhole (that detail was not otherwise repeated); during his evidence in the Kenbi Claim he did not know what the 'blue hole' was. 772 Kulaluk is described in the Site Register as being a 'mythological, ceremonial ground, camp'. It has a number of features, according to the evidence, including a spring, a burial ground, a Banyan tree and a stone area. According to the historical evidence, there was a camp for Larrakia people at Kulaluk established in the late 1960s or the early 1970s. The historical records indicate that Bobby Secretary led the activities to have Kulaluk established as a permanent site for Larrakia people. He is recorded at the time as saying that he was not well versed in the traditional significance of the site, and said that he would be gathering more information on it from older people including Tommy Lyons who then resided at Delissaville on the Cox Peninsula. It was on the basis of information he then received from Tommy Lyons that he said the site at Kulaluk was of significance because of ceremonies previously held there. He also is reported as having said that the site was no longer of any significance. Bill Risk in his evidence described a Rainbow Dreaming at Kulaluk, confirmed by an accident leading to a death of a person while some development works were being carried out adjacent to the water drainage area. Pauline Baban referred to a Water Snake Dreaming but she did not have any details of it and had not seen the site. Lynette Shields also referred to a Snake Dreaming at the site, but it appeared to her to have gone because the water source or the swamp in the vicinity had dried up. The existence of the Water Snake Dreaming was confirmed by Helen Secretary, and by Tibby Quall. Juma Fejo referred to the spring at Kulaluk having the same story as the blue water hole at Koolpinyah, so that women should not be permitted to go there; but it is plain that they do so extensively. There was some brief evidence from three witnesses about a Kulaluk burial ground area, but I do not think it pointed to the existence of significant cultural information for the Larrakia people. There is also evidence from a number of witnesses regarding a White Stone Dreaming area, called jid-irra or love potion. That was reported by Pauline Baban, Bill Risk, Helen Secretary and Tibby Quall and a few others. Kulaluk was also said by several witnesses to be the location of a Banyan tree which is called the tree of knowledge. It was apparently a meeting place in the olden days. There was no evidence of its contemporary use or significance. 773 Helen Secretary gave evidence of a rag burning ceremony recently held at Kulaluk and of a burial ground (visited during the view for evidence on country) at which a number of Larrakia people have apparently been buried. 774 There was only brief evidence about a site called Laniyuk at Berry Springs, which two witnesses referred to. One described it as dealing with women's ceremony business, and the other as for Larrakia men only as a men's ceremony place. 775 The site known as Mada-amurabali Maja-muraba is recorded in the Site Register as mythological in its significance. It is at Casuarina Beach, and is adjacent to a tree where there were said to have been significant fights between Larrakia and Tiwi people. Its location was pointed out in the course of evidence. There was inconsistent evidence as to whether it is a site to which women are permitted to go, and a number of female witnesses said that they had done so. 776 Maja-muraba is also a site on the Site Register located at Casuarina Beach, and described as 'beach with jungle and creek'. It is said to represent or be represented by rocks on the Nightcliff foreshore as one of the wives of that Old Man Rock. Another story is that it is a big Banyan tree at Nightcliff in which a spiritual beast like a big gorilla lived. 777 General evidence was given by a few witnesses about sacred or significant places near Manton Dam, but only two or three gave detailed evidence about their significance: Jocelyn Archer, whose evidence indicates that she was unsure whether she had learned of that site other than relatively recently in 1997 from a non-Larrakia woman Lena Henry, and Juma and Morris Fejo who had general knowledge that it was a women's sacred site associated with a Mermaid Dreaming. 778 At the top of Rapid Creek is Marrara, said to be a man's place where a spring comes out of the ground. Only Annie Risk and Pauline Baban referred to it in any detail. Joe Raymond, who as a child used to frequent the area, was never told of any special or sacred places in that area. Morris Fejo was told about a place there where he should not go, but he did not have any further evidence to identify its location. 779 Certain areas around Mindil Beach, extending to the north of Bullocky Point, are also recorded in the Site Register as significant. A number of Kahlin Compound residents are buried there. The people buried there are not confined to Larrakia people. The evidence of Yula Williams suggests that Mindil Beach burials occurred only from about the time of the Kahlin Compound and not earlier. Some evidence referred to it being a 'shoulder' or part of a shoulder. That ties in with the Wariyn dreaming story referred to below. 780 Dorothy Fox referred to Mimjimama, apparently a Banyan tree circled by large stones. It is no longer present in that form. She said it was a men's meeting site, but she did not ever see it operating in that way. She tried to consult Larrakia men about it, but nothing was done. She apparently got little or no support from men to preserve it. That was at a time when the Banyan tree was dying and the DCC was planning to do other works in relation to it. 781 Miyamaning on the Site Register is also located in the Casuarina area. The evidence about it was sparse. Lorraine Williams learned of it from the non-Larrakia lady Lena Henry only in the last several years. There was no evidence as to its significance. 782 There was considerably more evidence about a Mosquito Dreaming at Leanyer Swamp. The Site Register describes it as having mythological significance and being an area for hunting geese. The site register also records a location Delimnar, but there was no evidence about it. That is in Holmes Jungle. 783 The evidence about a Mosquito Dreaming was a little confused, at least as to its location. Bill Risk and Keith Risk located it at Leanyer. Maureen Ogden located it at Holmes Jungle, but she did not know anything about the story. So too did Keith Williams during the Kenbi Claim hearings. Roslyn Walker located it at Holmes Jungle, but she was told of it by a non-Larrakia woman at Belyuen and did not know of the significance of the story until during the Kenbi Claim. It may well be that there are two separate sites to which the evidence relates. 784 There was quite a lot of evidence about One Mile Dam. It is obviously an area which a number of the witnesses frequented as children. Some knew it as a place where there is a white clay that can be used as a love potion. LC also said the white clay may be used also as a good luck charm. A number of persons who might have been expected to have known of detailed stories about that site, if there were any, simply described it as a swimming site used by them when they were young. 785 Tibby Quall in his evidence referred to a travelling women dreaming track, which is part of the creation of Aboriginal law and ceremonies. He described a number of sites around the greater Darwin area which he said were located on the track, and that were related to red ochre which is called damajingwa. As the Territory submitted, the nature and content of the story which he described was expanded upon in an exhibit recording information provided by Felix Holmes. 786 A few witnesses gave evidence of a site at Tree Point which Bill Risk during the Kenbi Claim described as being related to a Dugong Dreaming at the mouth of the Howard River. Helen Secretary said it was used a lot by Tiwi people. Mr Quall said there were burial grounds there. Apart from Richard Barnes, there was no evidence describing in detail the dreaming or its significance. 787 Wariyn is said to be the creator of all Larrakia land. Bill Risk gave evidence to that effect during the Kenbi Claim, although in the course of the hearing he acknowledged that he had only learned of Wariyn in that role shortly before the commencement of the Kenbi Claim. Wariyn, on the evidence, is said to be located near Bakamanadjing on the Cox Peninsula. Others knew of Wariyn, but some knew very little of it. Tibby Quall gave evidence that Wariyn is a Wadjigyn word, rather than a Larrakia word. He described it as the creator of Aboriginal people. He also described during the Kenbi Claim hearings the physical features of Wariyn tied to the Darwin Peninsula so that various physical features represented various features of the head, neck, shoulder and hips of that being. The reference to Mindil Beach as the shoulder may relate to that. During his evidence, however, he said the overall picture of Wariyn as the creator was a false fabrication and a Wadjigyn myth. Roque Lee's evidence about Wariyn also is consistent with his detailed knowledge having been acquired during the course of the Kenbi Claim. He accepted he had not heard about Wariyn and its association with the creation of Larrakia people prior to the Kenbi Claim hearings. Roslyn Walker also said that that was the time during which she learned of Wariyn. In my view, the preponderance of the evidence from witnesses about Wariyn, and in particular the learning that it is the creation source of the Larrakia land and dreamings, can be identified as sourced to the early stages of the Kenbi Claim hearings. It is clearly an important site on the western side of the Cox Peninsula. The evidence about Wariyn has, in my view, some significance to my overall conclusions. 788 White Stone was described by Barbara Raymond as in the swamp areas east of Darwin. There was some evidence from Mary Raymond as to the existence of a sacred site near there, but she did not know where it is and had not learned much about it. There is no evidence more precisely to tie it to a particular location or to give it a particular significance. 789 Wilar was said by Bill Risk to be a Larrakia dreaming associated with Cheeky Yam and to exist in the harbours and seas around Larrakia country. It has a particular presence near or in the waters of Bynoe Harbour to the west of the Cox Peninsula. It was mentioned by several witnesses in the course of the Kenbi Claim hearings. 790 Yirra is recorded on the Site Register as of mythological significance. It is also called Catalina Island. It is a small island near the East Arm boat ramp. Bill Risk described it as being associated with Kangaroo Dreaming. A number of witnesses who were asked about it knew generally of its existence but not much of its significance. Keith Risk was able to describe the Kangaroo Dreaming in more detail. He learned of it whilst at Belyuen, and gave evidence about it during the Kenbi Claim. He did not hear of it before then. Catalina Island was clearly a place used for hunting and gathering turtle and turtle eggs. Some witnesses including Helen Secretary, did not know that it was otherwise called Yirra Island, or that it had a particular dreaming. Laurie Raymond (but not others) said that Yirra is the wife of Dariba Nunggalinya. He had not, until the hearing, heard of the Kangaroo Dreaming associated with that site. Some witnesses were told that Catalina Island is a dangerous site, but others were not and visited it as children. Susan Roman said in her evidence during the Kenbi Claim hearing that she learned of the Kangaroo Dreaming story from her grandmother and she described the story in some considerable detail. That detail was not apparently known by others, or if it was they did not give evidence of it in that detail, save for Keith Risk. 791 The first applicants contended that the evidence about sites is 'extensive and indicates unequivocally the existence of and adherence to a system of beliefs about the sentience and mythology of country that links the country inexplicably with Larrakia people' and requires it to be respected and cared for by Larrakia people. 792 The Territory submitted that the evidence about sites is 'contradictory, patchy, and lacking in detail and often limited to knowledge that a site exists in a particular area, possibly named or associated with some dreaming, but about which no further detail is known, including its actual location, the story associated with it and the appropriate behaviours for it, including who may access it, under what conditions and any ceremony or particular practices to be observed in relation to it'. 793 Consequently, the Territory in its submission adopted what Justice Gray said in the Kenbi Report that: 'The notion that Aboriginal law would bestow upon people's spiritual affiliations to innumerable sites in such a large tract of land, and impose upon them the attendant responsibilities, is improbable. Apart from anything else, it would seem to involve the proposition that spiritual affiliations can exist in the absence of knowledge of them by any living person. It is likely that there are sites within the broad area of Larrakia country in respect of which all knowledge has disappeared, even knowledge as to the identity of the sites.' The Territory submitted that the definitions in s 223 of the NT Act do now not allow the Court to be satisfied by persons whose sole connection with an area of land is their membership of the language group associated with that area of land. They further submitted that the requirement of establishing the existence today of a normative society which is sufficiently similar to the normative society in existence at sovereignty is not met because there is not a sufficiently certain level of commonality between the witnesses called by the applicants regarding their understanding and appreciation of the spiritual significance sites on the claimed land and waters.

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the second applicants 794 In the discussion above, I have used the expression 'the Larrakia people' to encompass both the first applicants and the second applicants. I did so simply as a matter of convenience. 795 It is necessary separately to consider the position of the second applicants. Clearly the second applicants are regarded by the first applicants as members of the first applicants group. Several witnesses spoke with respect of the seniority and knowledge of Tibby Quall about their laws and customs. I was impressed by Mr Quall's evidence, and his knowledge of the particular laws and customs of which he spoke. I have referred to his evidence in my assessment of the evidence and my findings about it. For the reasons explained in this judgment, it has not lead to me concluding that the current laws and customs governing 'the Larrakia people' are 'traditional' in the sense required by s 223(1)(a) of the NT Act. 796 I reach the same conclusion if I address that issue concerning the laws and customs of the Danggalaba clan. Mr Quall claimed that clan is the only one which has maintained the traditional laws and customs of the society which existed at sovereignty and to the present time. I am mindful that I should distinguish between his evidence and his submissions. It is of course necessary to have regard to all his evidence. I have done so. I also have regard to his submissions, but only to the extent that they have a foundation in the evidence. The assessment of his claim must also be made upon the whole of the evidence. 797 Mr Quall was clearly not supported by other persons (other than his sister) who, he said, were members of the Danggalaba clan. His sister Dianne Quall also was less precise than Mr Quall about the independent significance of the Danggalaba clan and the details of its laws and customs. Other persons who Mr Quall said were members of the Danggalaba clan, some of whom he described as the seniors or elders of that clan, gave evidence about the existence of the wider group comprising the first applicants. Their evidence did not explain with any precision the separate independent existence of the Danggalaba clan. Nor did they regard it as the current ultimate repository of the laws and customs of their predecessors in the Darwin area. They did not describe the laws and customs of the Danggalaba clan as distinct from those of the first applicants. Mr Quall's evidence (in effect as the only evidence directly supporting the claim) did not go into sufficient detail to establish a separate received set of laws and customs of the Danggalaba clan. 798 There is therefore uncertainty, or inconsistency, about the composition of the Danggalaba clan and the rules governing its structure. There is also, on the evidence, no satisfactory foundation for finding that the second applicants practise and enjoy certain rights and interests which arise under laws and customs which they only have inherited from or had passed on to them by their predecessors back to sovereignty. On the evidence, there is also no satisfactory foundation for concluding that the laws and customs reflect or derive from the normative system of the Aboriginal society which existed at sovereignty. Mr Quall attended during the hearing, but his evidence was of relatively short compass and did not cover a number of matters which would it have been desirable to have covered to reach the necessary level of persuasion. I do not need to speculate as to why it fell short of the proof needed. It may be that his relative lack of resources is one explanation. Nor am I to be taken as indicating that, if that were the explanation, the availability of greater resources to him might have made a difference to the outcome of the second applicants' claim. Given the uncertainty about the composition of a claim group confined to the Danggalaba clan, where many of those he said fell within it disavowed their membership in favour of the wider group comprising the first applicants, that would at this point appear unlikely. 799 The evidence does show that Victor Williams and Dolly Gurrinyee were members of a social group who passed on to Mr Quall, and probably others, some of the laws and customs which they recognised and protected. The Batcho/Quall families are their direct descendants. Others who are part of the wider group comprising the first applicants are also their direct descendants. Their evidence did not sustain or support the picture for which Mr Quall contended. 800 Accordingly, I am not satisfied that there is a separate more confined society of Aboriginal persons comprising the second applicants who, alone among those who comprise what Mr Quall called the wider 'Larrakia language group', possess rights and interests under 'traditional' laws and customs by which they have a connection to the land and waters of the claim area. 801 Indeed, the fact that there was a diversity of evidence about the composition and status of the Danggalaba clan, both from persons who Mr Quall claimed to be members of that clan, and from other witnesses, together with the fact that there was diversity of evidence about the laws and customs of that group compared to those of the wider group comprising the first applicants, tends to support my more general conclusions referred to below.

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conclusions REGARDING s 223(1) of the native title act 802 The first applicants accept that it is necessary to show that they are members of the Larrakia Native Title Claim group who are descendants of the society which, at sovereignty, enjoyed rights and interests under their traditional laws and customs giving them then a connection with the land and waters of the claim area. They also accept that it is necessary to show that they now have, and observe, a body of traditional laws and customs which have their origin in the society which existed at sovereignty, and by which they now have rights and interests which are recognised by the common law. 803 I have found above that, at sovereignty, there was a society of indigenous persons who had rights and interests possessed under traditional laws and customs, and giving them a connection to the land and waters of the claim area. I have also found that that society was the same society as existed at settlement and continued to exist up to the first decade of the 20th Century, that it continued to enjoy rights and interests under the same or substantially similar traditional laws and customs as those which existed at settlement. Consequently, to that point, that society of Larrakia people were possessed of traditional laws and customs giving them the rights and interests to which I have referred. 804 In Yorta Yorta, Gleeson CJ, Gummow and Hayne JJ said at [52] that 'society' is to be understood as a 'body of persons united in and by its observance and acknowledgment of a body of laws and customs'. 805 For reasons which are apparent from the above consideration of the evidence, and findings in relation to it, I am also satisfied that the Larrakia people are the same society as that which existed previously, including at settlement. There is no reason to think otherwise, and I did not understand the respondents to contend otherwise (although there was, as discussed, significant debate as to the accurate composition of the Larrakia people). 806 However, that is not sufficient for the first applicants or the second applicants to succeed in a determination of native title rights and interests in respect of the claim area or parts of it. 807 It is necessary that the Larrakia people show that they still possess rights and interests under the traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs observed by them, and that those laws and customs give them a connection with the land and waters of the claim area. 808 As quoted above, in Yorta Yorta, the majority at [46]-[47] said: ' … A traditional law or custom is one which has been passed from generation to generation of a society, usually by word of mouth and common practice. But in the context of the Native Title Act, "traditional" carries with it two other elements in its meaning. First, it conveys an understanding of the age of the traditions: the origins of the content of the law or custom concerned are to be found in the normative rules of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander societies that existed before the assertion of sovereignty by the British Crown. It is only those normative rules that are "traditional" laws and customs. Secondly, and no less importantly, the reference to rights or interests in land or waters being possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by the peoples concerned, requires that the normative system under which the rights and interests are possessed (the traditional laws and customs) is a system that has had a continued existence and vitality since sovereignty. If that normative system has not existed throughout that period, the rights and interests which owe their existence to that system will have ceased to exist.' 809 The first applicants in their submission accepted that s 223(1)(a) of the NT Act requires that the laws and customs of the present society should have been passed from generation to generation of the society from sovereignty, and that they exist under a normative system that has had a continuous existence and vitality since sovereignty. They point out that change in laws and customs does not necessarily mean that they are no longer 'traditional'. They may be modified and adapted in response to changing environmental, economic or other circumstances, but nevertheless preserve the link which gives them their 'traditional' character. There may be circumstances in which their exercise in a particular geographical area may be interrupted, but not in a way which destroys their character as 'traditional': see e.g. De Rose v South Australia (No 2) (2005) 145 FCR 290. 810 The first applicants contrast those circumstances, involving interruption in the use or enjoyment of native title rights and interests which may not disqualify the current generation from having those laws and practices regarded as 'traditional', from those where there has been an interruption in the acknowledgment and observance of laws and customs. In the latter context, it is contended the laws and customs which are now acknowledged and observed will not have continued substantially uninterrupted since sovereignty: see Yorta Yorta at [87]. Sundberg J in Neowarra v State of Western Australia [2003] FCA 1402 described the contrast in the following way at [163]: 'When dealing with the "washed away" submission it is important to bear in mind that if what is asserted is a change or adaptation of traditional law or custom, the question is whether that change is of such a kind that it can no longer be said that the rights or interests asserted are possessed under the traditional laws and customs of the Aboriginal people at sovereignty. If what is asserted is that there has been an interruption in the acknowledgment and observance of the law or custom, the question is whether that interruption is "substantial" or whether the acknowledgment and observance has continued "substantially uninterrupted": Yorta Yorta at [87] and [89].' 811 I am mindful that ultimately the court must simply apply the provisions of s 223 of the NT Act. Interruption of the enjoyment or exercise of native title rights and interests in a particular geographical area will not necessarily be fatal to a native title claim. Nor will change of itself necessarily have that effect. The significance of change to, or adaptation of, traditional law or custom in particular circumstances may present difficult questions as to whether the current law and custom is still 'traditional' as used in s 223(1)(a) and as discussed, for example, in Yorta Yorta. In that case, the majority also pointed out at [84] that interruption of use or enjoyment of native title rights or interests may be significant in determining whether those rights and interests now possessed are possessed under "traditional" laws and customs. That is why the observance and acknowledgment of the pre-sovereignty laws and customs should be shown to have continued substantially uninterrupted since sovereignty. In Yorta Yorta the majority at [86]-[88] said: 'Yet again, however, it is important to bear steadily in mind that the rights and interests which are said now to be possessed must nonetheless be rights and interests possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged and the traditional customs observed by the peoples in question. Further, the connection which the peoples concerned have with the land or waters must be shown to be a connection by their traditional laws and customs. For the reasons given earlier, "traditional" in this context must be understood to refer to the body of law and customs acknowledged and observed by the ancestors of the claimants at the time of sovereignty. For exactly the same reasons, acknowledgement and observance of those laws and customs must have continued substantially uninterrupted since sovereignty. Were that not so, the laws and customs acknowledged and observed now could not properly be described as the traditional laws and customs of the peoples concerned. That would be so because they would not have been transmitted from generation to generation of the society for which they constituted a normative system giving rise to rights and interests in land as the body of laws and customs which, for each of those generations of that society, was the body of laws and customs which in fact regulated and defined the rights and interests in land as the body of laws and customs which, for each of those generations of that society, was the body of laws and customs which in fact regulated and defined the rights and interests which those people had and could exercise in relation to the land or waters concerned. They would be a body of laws and customs originating in the common acceptance by or agreement of a new society of indigenous peoples to acknowledge and observe laws and customs of content similar to, perhaps even identical with, those of an earlier and different society. To return to a jurisdprudential analysis, continuity in acknowledgement and observance of the normative rules in which the claimed rights and interests are said to find their foundations before sovereignty is essential because it is the normative quality of those rules which rendered the Crown's radical title acquired at sovereignty subject to the rights and interests then existing and which now are identified as native title.' 812 I have carefully considered the evidence. A combination of circumstances has, in various ways, interrupted or disturbed the presence of the Larrakia people in the Darwin area during several decades of the 20th Century in a way that has affected their continued observance of, and enjoyment of, the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people that existed at sovereignty. A significant circumstance has simply been the development of Darwin into a substantial community, following European settlement. As the evidence shows, that process has involved many other Aboriginal people than the Larrakia people moving into the Darwin area. The other circumstances are discussed above. It is not necessary to repeat them. Some are the consequence of natural or external events. Some are the consequence of governmental policy. It is not the function of the Court to form or express any views about the wisdom or appropriateness of the circumstances which flowed from or followed governmental policy. Its function is to determine the issues of fact which s 223(1) of the NT Act requires. In that, the Court must apply s 223(1) as explained by the High Court. 813 There was evidence from the observations of Spencer in his 'Preliminary Report on Aboriginals of the Northern Territory' early in the 20th Century that the practice of Larrakia traditional laws and customs in the Darwin area was waning. He apparently attributed that to the racially mixed community there, naming Asiatics in particular. The evidence also shows other groups of Aboriginal persons were also part of the Darwin community by then. Other evidence of the time indicated a more thriving community with those laws and customs. Subsequent material suggests Spencer was correct. It is not necessary to decide if his more extreme view that the Larrakia people had by then already 'lost all their old customs and beliefs' was correct. I think it was likely to have been, at the time, an overstatement. 814 However, thereafter there is progressively little evidence of the continued practice of, and respect for, the Larrakia traditional laws and customs until the 1970s. The concentration of many local Aboriginal people, of several groups including the Larrakia people, in Kahlin Compound, and of groups isolated from others within the Compound, no doubt played a part in that. Nevertheless, the social structure of the Larrakia people seems to have been preserved to some degree, as discussions in 1936 about the closure of Kahlin Compound were led by King George of the Larrakia people and attended by other elders. That also suggests there were people who continued to identify themselves as Larrakia, and to have an identity or association with the Darwin region including the claim area. By that time, the evidence indicates that ceremonial sites in the Darwin area had not been used for some years, and that initiation ceremonies also were no longer conducted in the Darwin region. The evidence also indicate that, by then, the practice of cicatrix marks as a form of tribal mark was also no longer active. 815 At least until the 1930s, corroborees continued to be held in Kahlin Compound, and at Koolpinyah (and I assume at other places). I have placed little weight on the later 'tourist' corroborees for the reasons expressed above. There were also burials of Aboriginal persons, including those who had passed away at Kahlin Compound, carried out at Mindil Beach, but the evidence does not support a finding that those deceased persons were all, or predominantly, Larrakia people. The contrary is likely. Nor is there evidence that the burials regularly were carried out in a particular way, tying them to the traditional Larrakia laws and customs or more generally to shared Aboriginal laws and customs. 816 In my view, the contemporary documentary material to the start of World War II does not point to the continued observance of most of the Larrakia traditional laws and customs up to that time, apart from some elder structure continuing to exist within the Larrakia people, and shared corroborees with Aboriginal persons of other groups. Documentary evidence of the succeeding two decades also points to the further erosion of the practice of those laws and customs, prompted further by the removal of most Aboriginal persons (and indeed most of the Darwin community) from Darwin during World War II, and by the policy of assimilation which was introduced following the return of many to Darwin. During this period, there is evidence of the continued identity of persons as Larrakia, and that the group had an elder structure by recognition of Fred Nadpur as their chief or king and Norman Barral (Harris) also as a leader. 817 The documentary material relating to the Larrakia land rights claims, starting with the Kulaluk Land Claim, indicates that by the 1970s there was a small group of full-descent people identified as Larrakia pursuing such a claim. It does not otherwise indicate the ongoing practice of traditional laws and customs. Indeed, its progenitor or leader Bobby Secretary is reported as saying he did not know of the traditional significance of the site and required to be educated about that by Tommy Lyons from Delissaville on the Cox Peninsula. Mr Lyons was reported as saying the area was taboo to women, but clearly now (and at the time) women had ready access to the site. Apparently the traditional laws or customs in that regard had ceased to be practised. 818 The Gundal Land Claim material also evidences a number of persons who identified themselves as Larrakia. They also had knowledge of the ceremonial significance of that area. It ceased to be used as a ceremonial site between 1927 and 1933. As I have found above, the exclusion of women from that site in accordance with traditional laws and customs was not insisted on by the 1970s. I do not regard that as a mere adaptation of those laws and customs. I note that the contemporary community of Larrakia people, by their evidence, are re-asserting the site as taboo for women. 819 Dariba Nunggalinya is a site which, in my view, has continued to be in the awareness of the Larrakia people (through a number of them, until relatively recently when that awareness has become more extensive) during the 20th Century. 820 The oral evidence, in my judgment, confirms that the current Larrakia society, with its laws and customs, has not carried forward the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people so as to support the conclusion that those traditional laws and customs have had a continued existence and vitality since sovereignty. That is not to say that some of the evidence (but not all of it) reveals a correspondence between current and traditional laws and customs. It does. But the oral evidence also reveals inconsistencies between members of the present applicants in some respects about what their laws and customs are. It reveals inconsistencies in the extent to which those laws and customs are practised, at least as apparent from a number of instances where only one or a few witnesses spoke of a law or custom which would have been expected to have been recognised and addressed in the evidence of many of the witnesses. 821 It reveals in many instances the adoption of knowledge of traditional laws and customs from those learned during the Kenbi Claim hearings and then later from other research, and from direct inquiry of elderly Larrakia people (such as Topsy Secretary) and elderly non-Larrakia people both near to Darwin and remote from it. That process of information acquisition could readily explain the inconsistencies, and generalities, in the current state of knowledge of the Larrakia people. 822 The evidence also discloses that certain beliefs now regarded as fundamental, for example about Wariyn, are derived only from the Kenbi Claim hearings. It also discloses, as I have discussed in my findings about the evidence, in many instances a level of generality of knowledge - including the absence of knowledge of particular dreamings or stories for sites, of site specific ceremonies, and of body adornment - which is not consistent with the acquisition of knowledge in accordance with the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people. 823 The firm impression I have is that the evidence does not reveal the passing on of knowledge of the traditional laws and customs from generation to generation in accordance with those laws and customs during much of the 20th Century. 824 I have referred to many illustrations of those various features in my consideration of the evidence. I do not intend to repeat them all at this point in my reasons. It may be that one or two of them, or indeed a larger number of them, taken individually are not of much moment. For example, the first applicants submitted that inconsistency in use of kinship terms is unimportant, as the significant fact is the use of a kinship system to make biological links culturally meaningful rather than its consistent usage. But it is necessary to have regard to the whole of the evidence, including that about the source of such knowledge and how long it has been learned by the various witnesses, to reach a proper conclusion. It is necessary to see whether particular knowledge was possessed (according to their evidence) by witnesses who would have been expected to speak of it. 825 I accept that there is, and has been, a continuous recognition in the Darwin area of certain persons as Larrakia, both by self-identification and by community recognition. As the findings indicate, the process for doing so has not remained constant. It was originally a patrilineal descent system, and it is now a cognate descent system. There are some intra-Larrakia disputes as to who are now within the compass of the Larrakia people. I accept also that there has been, so far as circumstances allowed, a practice among the Larrakia people of hunting, fishing and foraging for food in the Darwin area which has continued through the 19th Century to the present time. So, too, has there been a practice of using bush foods as medicines, and for craft works. Similar evidence was given about food preparation and cooking. The evidence does not suggest specifically Larrakia techniques for those practices. Nor does it indicate that the knowledge relating to them has come from other Larrakia people in any traditional way. Some of the knowledge has come from particular older Larrakia people, but the evidence does not show a picture of the inter-generational transmission of such knowledge according to traditional laws and customs - at least not as explained in evidence. 826 The evidence of dreamings, both place dreamings and personal dreamings, and of family dreamings and totems, was quite extensive. There was an awareness of some of those dreamings demonstrated by evidence during the Kenbi Claim. There was also considerable evidence about certain ceremonies and rituals performed at certain locations or in certain circumstances. It was accepted by the first applicants that the evidence was not uniform or consistent about those matters, but (they submitted) uniformity or consistency is also not shown to have been a feature of the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people at sovereignty. One inconsistency was as to whether the totemic system of the earlier Larrakia people exists at all. The inconsistencies, and to some degree the lack of detailed knowledge of certain witnesses about the source of their dreamings or their significance, influenced me in the weight I attach to this evidence when addressing the issues to be addressed under s 223(1) of the NT Act. I think this evidence is significant to showing that today there is a body of cultural or spiritual laws and customs governing the Larrakia people. It does not point in any real way to that body of cultural or spiritual laws and customs being passed from generation to generation in accordance with traditional laws and customs, so as to support any conclusion that the contemporary laws and customs are themselves 'traditional'. 827 The first applicants also accepted that the Larrakia people no longer practise distinctly Larrakia ceremonies, and that there has been an 'attenuation' of knowledge in relation to and in the observance of ceremony. Hence, there has been a loss of the function of ceremony which would otherwise provide a process for the transfer and reinforcement of knowledge about dreamings, sites and laws. That means of transmission of knowledge does not now occur, and has not occurred for many decades. 828 In my view, the evidence discloses that there is now little knowledge of the former apparently rich ceremonial life of the Larrakia people. That is a consequence of the virtual cessation of ceremony, although some Larrakia people have sought to re-enliven that process by learning of ceremony at remote places or at the Cox Peninsula, including from the Kenbi Claim hearings. As a consequence, with some few exceptions, knowledge of the spiritual features of important Larrakia sites has greatly diminished. It has not been totally lost, because in part it has been retained in records which have been accessed and in part because in a few instances the general information has been acquired from older Larrakia people. I did not draw from the evidence material to support a finding of a normative society holding information about sites of spiritual significance in the Darwin area in accordance with traditional laws and customs. 829 The latter observation relates to the evidence about the relationship with country, in particular about the responsibility for understanding and respecting and looking after particular sites. I discussed that evidence in some detail above. The same observation can be made about dances and songs of the Larrakia people. Even the very significant site Dariba Nunggalinya did not lead to evidence about the dances and ceremonies that once were done for that site. I shall not repeat those findings. 830 Apart from the process of information transference through ceremony, the first applicants accepted that knowledge of traditional laws and customs was passed essentially through family. The senior family members held the knowledge and passed it to the appropriate persons of the next generation at an appropriate time. The acceptance and recognition of elders, and their status as decision-makers, and their role in passing on knowledge, is on the data relating to earlier periods an important element of the Larrakia traditional laws and customs. 831 The evidence does not disclose that those cultural principles are, and have continuously been, intact. There was clear evidence that elders are respected. But it did not show that for the generations during the middle decades of the 20th Century the then elders adopted the process for the transfer of knowledge which was traditional. Much of the contemporary knowledge was accepted as having come from other sources. The breakdown in the process for the transfer of knowledge, whether through elders individually or through ceremony, explains many of the observations I have made about the nature and extent of the current knowledge of the Larrakia people about their laws and customs. Many of those now recognised and respected as Larrakia elders do not hold the detailed knowledge which the current generation is seeking, simply because it was not given to them. 832 I think that breakdown is also revealed in the current decision-making structures for the Larrakia people. That, too, is discussed at some length above. I am mindful that the numerical extent of those professing membership of (and apparently accepted as members of) the Larrakia people is much greater than during the early and middle decades of the 20th Century. However, I think it is clear that the decision-making process among the Larrakia people has been largely transferred to the Larrakia Nation. Its composition is not traditional. There is, at a family level (for those families who choose to participate in the Larrakia Nation), consultation with the senior members of the family about important decisions. Their input is no doubt valued. In many important decisions affecting the Darwin area, in my view, the decision-maker is the governing community of the Larrakia Nation. The evidence is that its decisions are made by votes of the participating family representatives. Even allowing for the participating family representatives (who need not be, and in several cases are not, the elder members of the family) having consulted with their elder family members, I do not consider that process reflects the carrying on of the traditional method of decision-making by the Larrakia people. Of course, not every decision is made that way. Matters affecting particular families only are made within the family, and on the evidence after consulting with the family elders and generally reflecting their wishes. But, among the Larrakia families there was no superior elder reflecting the sort of status reported by the 'King' figures referred to in earlier literature. Nor was there evidence of the means of identification of the elders, or of them having met as a group to make decisions for the Larrakia people, or as to how the elders of the Larrakia people as a group (as distinct from individual family practices) would come together and would make decisions for the Larrakia people. There is no evidence that in recent decades they have done so. 833 I do not regard the fact that the Larrakia language is no longer spoken, except generally by the use of some Larrakia words as a substitute for English words, as of any real moment. 834 I have therefore reached the conclusion that the Larrakia people, that is the present society comprising the Larrakia people, do not now have rights and interests possessed under the traditional laws acknowledged, and the traditional customs observed, by the Larrakia people at sovereignty. That is because I do not find that their current laws and customs are 'traditional' in the sense explained in Yorta Yorta. 835 There is considerable ambiguity, and some inconsistency, about the current laws and customs of the Larrakia people which I have discussed in my findings when considering the evidence. There are also in my view significant changes in those laws and customs from those which existed at sovereignty. Again, I have discussed my findings when considering the evidence. Those differences and changes stem from, and are caused by, a combination of the historical events which occurred during the 20th Century. Those events have given rise to a substantial interruption in the practice of the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people as they existed at sovereignty and at settlement, so that their practise and enjoyment has not continued since sovereignty. I find that the present laws and customs of the Larrakia people are not simply an adaptation or evolution of the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people in response to economic, environmental and historical and other changes. 836 In my judgment, the present laws and customs of the Larrakia people reflect a sincere and intense desire to re-establish those traditional laws and customs adapted to the modern context. These are the consequence of significant efforts on the part of many to achieve that result. It is an entirely proper objective. It is apparent that the process is enriching the lives of the Larrakia people, and of the Darwin community. That, however, is not a sufficient factual foundation for making a determination of native title rights and interests in this proceeding. 837 In reaching that conclusion, as I hope is apparent, I have not assumed that the traditional laws and customs of the Larrakia people must be distinctive of them. There are obviously some features which will be distinctive: for example, those dreamings and ceremonies which are site specific. I accept that, at a more general level, it is not necessary that no other Aboriginal group has the same or similar laws and customs. My focus has been upon whether the current Larrakia society has the traditional laws and customs of the society which existed at sovereignty. 838 My conclusion means that it is inappropriate to address individually the claimed native title rights and interests. 839 To summarise, in my judgment, the Larrakia people were a community of Aboriginal people living in the claim area at the time of sovereignty. The settlement of Darwin from 1869, the influx of other Aboriginal groups into the claim area, the attempted assimilation of Aboriginal people into the European community and the consequences of the implementation of those attempts and other government policies (however one might judge their correctness), led to the reduction of the Larrakia population, the dispersal of Larrakia people from the claim area, and to a breakdown in Larrakia people's observance and acknowledgement of traditional laws and customs. In the 1970s the land claims drew interest to the Larrakia culture and there has since been a revival of the Larrakia community and culture. A large number of people who now identify as Larrakia only became aware of their ancestry during these land claims, and acquired much 'knowledge' at this time. The Larrakia community of 2005 is a strong, vibrant and dynamic society. However, the evidence demonstrates an interruption to the Larrakia people's connection to their country and in their acknowledgement and observance of their traditional laws and customs so that the laws and customs they now respect and practice are not 'traditional' as required by s 223(1) of the NT Act. 840 Given that conclusion, I must dismiss the application. 841 In view of that conclusion, I shall refer to the requirements of s 223(1)(c) only briefly. The common law is not the source of the relevant rights and interest, if they were found to exist. 'Recognition' by the common law of such rights and interests requires that they be capable of enforcement or protection by remedies available in appropriate courts in Australia, and so excludes any particular rights or interests which are repugnant to the fundamental principles underlying the common law: see Ward at [20]-[21]; Yorta Yorta at [77]. Those rights and interests must have survived the fundamental change in the legal regime which occurred at sovereignty so that they can be enforced, if necessary, under the common law. They must also be capable of being expressed with sufficient precision to be enforceable by the courts.

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extinguishment 844 Clearly, it is unnecessary to address the extensive issues regarding extinguishment of any claimed native title rights and interests over the claim area. To do so in a hypothetical way - that is, to assume the existence of the claimed (or some more refined) native title rights and interests, and then to determine whether they have been wholly or partially extinguished - would be both artificial and, in at least one respect, impossible. It would be impossible to do so where the respondents claim that the extinguishment has occurred by reason of valid 'extinguishing' events which are inconsistent with, and to be measured against the continued existence and enjoyment of certain native title rights and interests. No such comparison can be made as I have not found such rights and interests to exist. I am also mindful that the first applicants and the DCC in their respective final submissions indicated the possible need to call further evidence on certain issues concerning extinguishment. Of course, they would now need leave to do so, but given the complexity of the factual material and the detail in which it was addressed, the oversight of certain relevant evidence is readily understandable. In the absence of significant prejudice to other parties, I would be inclined to grant that leave. Obviously, with that prospect extant, finally deciding issues of fact on those aspects would be undesirable. 845 However, it may be helpful to the parties to address certain matters of principle which were the subject of detailed submissions. To put them in context, it is desirable to identify generally the nature of the extinguishment submissions. 846 In addition to the parties' very helpful and detailed submissions, the Territory prepared a Claim Area Table in respect of each of the 216 separate sites which are in the Claim Area List. The Claim Area Table, site by site, then set out or referred to: (a) each extinguishing act relied upon by the Territory, the evidentiary material relating to the act, the date upon which the act occurred, its claimed effect upon native title and the basis for that effect (for example, whether a provision of the NT Act or of the Validation (Native Title) Act (NT) (the VNT Act) or the common law) and the geographical extent of the extinguishing act; (b) the native title application over that site; (c) the status of the area for the purpose of s 47B of the NT Act - (i) at the time the application was lodged; and (ii) at 30 September 1998 when ss 47A and 47B were inserted into the NT Act by the amending Act; and (d) the 'conclusion' of the Territory as to the extent of the extinguishment of native title over the particular site and whether s 47B can apply. 847 The first applicants then provided an annotated version of the Claim Area Table indicating where they regarded it as inaccurate or incomplete (there were very few instances of either), and where they disagreed with its conclusions and why. The DCC's submissions also built on that document. 848 The consequence is that in respect of each separate site in the Claim Area List, the parties provided through the Claim Area Table a clear and detailed picture of their respective positions. The Claim Area Table and its annotations (which I shall hereafter call the Claim Area Table) represent an immense amount of very helpful work by the parties and their legal representatives. They are to be greatly congratulated for that work. 849 In a number of instances, the Claim Area Table reveals that there is no dispute between the parties. For example, it is accepted that any native title rights and interests which might have existed over the sites described as C13, C15 and C16 in the Claim Area List and in the Claim Area Table have been extinguished. My review of the Claim Area Table enables me to indicate that I would have adopted and given effect to each of the matters where there is agreement between the first applicants and the Territory as recorded in it. 850 Where there is disagreement exposed through the Claim Area Table, or through the submissions including the detailed submissions of the DCC, for the reasons given above, I have endeavoured to identify those issues of principle which can be addressed without descending into a comparison of putative native title rights and interests with the effect of claimed extinguishing acts or into detailed factual findings. In some instances, resolution of the question of principle may enable that resolution then to be applied to the alleged extinguishing act or acts to determine its or their effect. There will remain matters of factual dispute, including no doubt the extent of public works carried out over a number of decades of the 20th Century, including those carried out by the DCC. In view of my conclusion on the 'connection' issue, I do not regard it as necessary to address those various factual issues for the reasons given.

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The Principles of Extinguishment 851 The principles of extinguishment are mostly not contentious. 852 The relevant legislative regime is discussed by the High Court in Ward, particularly at [4] to [11]. It includes Div 2B of Pt 2 of the NT Act and the legislation of the Territory enacted in reliance on s 23E and s 23I of the NT Act, in particular the VNT Act. 853 I note that most of the extinguishing acts relied upon by the Territory and by the DCC are 'previous exclusive possession acts' or 'previous non-exclusive possession acts' as defined in s 23B(2) and s 23B(7), and by s 23F(2) of the NT Act. 854 Previous exclusive possession acts are grants or vestings of freehold or leasehold estates, and the construction or establishment of any public works commenced to be constructed or established, prior to 23 December 1996 and which are valid or which are validated by either Div 2 or Div 2A of Pt 2 of the NT Act. Subsections 23B(9), (9A), (9B) and (9C) contain various exclusions to those definitions. The VNT Act picks up those concepts. I do not presently need to refer to its terms. 855 Previous non-exclusive possession acts are grants of non-exclusive agricultural or pastoral leases prior to 23 December 1996, and which are valid or which are validated by either Div 2 or Div 2A of Pt 2 of the NTA. Again the VNT Act picks up those concepts. 856 If an act is neither a previous exclusive possession act nor a previous non-exclusive possession act, it may be a 'past act' which may also extinguish native title. Relevantly, a past act is a non-legislative act which took place before 1 January 1994 (the commencement of the NT Act) which was invalid to any extent, but would have been valid if native title did not then exist in relation to the particular land or waters to which it relates. 'Past acts' are then separated into four categories. At present it is necessary to refer to two only of them: 'category A' past acts, and 'category B' past acts. 'Category A' past acts are defined in s 229 to include grants of freehold estates and commercial, pastoral, residential and agricultural leases granted by 1 January 1994 and still then in force, and public works commenced to be constructed or established by that date. There are in s 229(2)(b) and s 229(3)(d) certain exclusions from category A past acts in the case of 'Crown to Crown grants' or 'beneficial grants', that is certain grants for the benefit of Aboriginal people or Torres Strait Islanders. 857 'Category B' past acts are defined in s 230 to include grants of leases made before 1 January 1994 and still then in force which are not category A past acts or mining leases. The definition is also subject to the same exclusions. 858 Section 11(1) of the NT Act provides that native title is not able to be extinguished contrary to the NT Act. That section applies in respect of those native title rights and interests which were in existence at the commencement of the NT Act, namely 1 January 1994. The NT Act did not revive any native title rights and interests which had been extinguished at common law prior to that date: see Ward at [5]. Most of the extinguishing acts asserted by the Territory and by the DCC occurred before that date. 859 Hence, subject to s 47A and s 47B of the NT Act, any extinguishment of native title rights and interests at common law before that date continues to be effective. Acts and matters outside the definitions of 'previous exclusive possession act' and 'previous non-exclusive possession act' and which occurred before 31 October 1975 will retain their force despite the existence of native title and at common law will have effectively extinguished native title: Ward at [5], [114]. That date is the date of commencement of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) (the RD Act). Even if the RD Act applies, extinguishing acts after that date may still maintain their effectiveness where there is provided an entitlement to compensation in the native title holders: see Ward at [108]; Gerhardy v Brown (1985) 159 CLR 70 at 98. Sections 47A and 47B provide for certain circumstances in which the effect of certain extinguishing acts is to be disregarded. They are further referred to later in these reasons. 860 Extinguishing acts may fall into three categories: legislative or executive acts which simply extinguish native title rights and interest; laws or acts which create rights in third parties which are inconsistent with the continued right to enjoy native title (either wholly or partly); and laws or acts by which the Crown requires full beneficial ownership of land previously subject to native title. Acts in the first category are assessed objectively as to whether they have the purpose of extinguishing native title. The second category requires an assessment of the respective rights and interests under native title and of the third parties under the relevant instruments. Except on matters of general principle, I do not consider it possible to embark upon any detailed consideration of that category as it involves an assumption of the existence of certain native title rights and interests contrary to my earlier conclusion. The third category encompasses either an acquisition of land in which native title rights or interests existed and the assertion by the Crown of rights inconsistent with them, or an acquisition of such land for a purpose or purposes (and the use of the acquired land) inconsistent with the continued enjoyment of native title. The requirement for inconsistency means the third category also is one into which I consider it inappropriate to delve. 861 The respondents have approached extinguishment by first addressing those acts which, they claim, wholly extinguish native title over some or all of the claim area. They then address acts said to partially extinguish native title. The third step is to address acts which, it is argued, cannot be disregarded by s 47B of the NT Act. This final grouping includes public works which are said to extinguish native title. 862 The DCC largely adopted the submissions of the Territory. There is disagreement between them in two respects only. The first is whether the DCC is 'the Crown in any capacity or a statutory authority' within s 23B(9C) of the NT Act. The second is whether s 47B can apply in respect of a native title determination application lodged prior to 30 September 1998 (the date upon which s 47B was enacted by the amending Act). I consider those matters below. 863 I note that the Territory has not specifically pleaded all but three of the multitude of extinguishing acts it relied upon. They are the surveyed road affecting site C45, the freehold grant to the Northern Territory Electricity Commission affecting site C57,and the freehold grant to the Power and Water Authority affecting site C82 (a site over which the first applicants accept that any native title has been extinguished in any event). The establishment of the Ross Smith Monument on site C43 was also not pleaded. No prejudice is said to be suffered by the applicants by permitting, to the extent necessary, those matters to be pleaded. They have not sought time to investigate or respond to those aspects. If extinguishment were a live issue, I would give that leave.

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The Evidence 864 Both the Territory and the DCC have presented very extensive evidence on the issue of extinguishment. The Territory's 'Tenure Materials' ultimately comprised 53 lever arch files of documents containing land tenure, mining tenure, petroleum tenure and fisheries tenure documents. The contents and the process of compilation were verified principally by Savvas Karpasitis. His evidence was not challenged. I accept his evidence, including the reliability of the tenure materials and the diagrams and maps which are part of them. It is meticulous work. The more recent practice in some matters of ordering 'current generation' tenure materials to determine the extent to which there is dispute about them, before requiring earlier generational tenure materials to be provided has much to commend it. In some instances it may lighten that burden. In this matter, given the complexity of the tenure materials and the extensive materials relating to public works, I suspect the process undertaken would have been necessary in any event. 865 In respect of each numbered site within the claim area, the culmination of the work was a Tenure History Summary and Schedule, tenure diagrams, and the source documentation. In addition, the process led to the generation of four maps of the claim area or parts of it. They identify each numbered site in the claim area, colour coded to indicate the particular application or applications in the consolidated proceeding applicable to them. Those maps were prepared by Darren Flanagan. I accept his expertise to have prepared them. I accept their accuracy. They became part of the exhibit described as 'Consolidated Index of Tenure Materials'. 866 The Territory also called evidence from a number of other witnesses on matters relating to the documentary evidence on extinguishment, and on particular aspects of extinguishment issues. I accept the evidence of all of them where it addresses relevant facts. 867 The DCC tendered 30 lever arch folders comprising the documents relating to public works carried out in various parts of the claim area, extending also over a considerable period of time. It also tendered a volume of Work Orders and Maintenance Summaries. Oral and affidavit evidence then from a number of witnesses explained those documents, and in some respects added to them. I did not perceive any challenge to the reliability of that evidence, and I accept it. 868 The DCC in its final submissions also very helpfully produced a schedule to make access to that material readily available and to summarise what it contended to be the effect of that evidence. 869 As did the first applicants in their final submissions about some issues, the DCC sought the opportunity to adduce further evidence as to the identity and location of certain public works, and as to the operation of s 251D of the NT Act in respect of such works. The Territory's submission suggested that the evidence about the extent of public works which may extinguish native title may not be comprehensive. It proposed that any determination of native title should contain 'a general exclusion for public works that are or have been constructed or established' in the claim area rather than to descend into the detail of the many public works, and their individual effect. There is much to commend that course. However, if a determination of native title rights and interests were to have been made, I think it is preferable that a general exclusion of that kind should be avoided if a more precise set of findings could be made.

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Section 47A: Whether the Tenure Attracts its Operation 875 The first applicants submitted that s 47A applied in relation to sites C61 (One Mile Dam), C22 (Bagot), and C21 and C314 (Kulaluk) within the claim area so that certain extinguishing acts in relation to those sites were to be disregarded. Section 47A directs that certain prior extinguishment is to be disregarded if it applies. Relevantly to the present proceedings, s 47A(1)(b)(ii) provides that s 47A applies if, at the time of the relevant application 'the area is held expressly for the benefit of, or is held on trust, or reserved, expressly for the benefit of, Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait Islanders' 876 The first applicants said that it was unnecessary to address the issue in relation to Kulaluk because they propose to withdraw the claim over that area, although one of the Quall applications still covers part of it. They have not yet done so. As I am addressing the issue of principle only, I do not need to refer to that aspect further. 877 The first applicants also said in submissions that further evidence as to the membership of the entities or persons holding the relevant interests said to engage s 47A(1)(b)(ii) may be required. The evidence about their composition was scanty. I have referred above generally to my tentative view about permitting that course, if it were relevant. 878 Section 47A applies if an application for determination of native title is made and if there is at that time a freehold or leasehold grant of the nature described. Kulaluk is an area where Aboriginal persons are presently living, and were so at the time of the relevant applications. The respondents accept that amounts to occupation of that area. The evidence about One Mile Dam and Bagot is not so clear. For the reasons I have given, I do not propose to finally decide that contested factual issue. 879 In my view, the requirement that the area be held 'expressly' for the benefit (relevantly) of Aboriginal peoples does not require that the instrument granting the freehold or lease of the particular area contain that explicit condition. The requirement for the grant is contained in s 47A(1)(b)(i); it is that the legislation under which the grant of the freehold or leasehold interest have a particular character. A grant under the ALR Act would be a typical example. The separate condition imposed by s 47A(1)(b)(ii) that the area be held expressly for the benefit of Aboriginal people may be shown either by the terms of the grant or by the terms of the legislation under which the grant is made. 880 In the case of site C314 (Kulaluk), neither the enabling legislation nor the lease itself indicates explicitly that the site is held expressly for the benefit of Aboriginal people. The lessee is the Gwala Dariniki Association Inc (the Association). Its constitution was admitted into evidence during the final oral submissions. I doubt that the composition of the grantee of a freehold or leasehold entity can itself lead to s 47A(1)(b)(ii) being satisfied. The composition of a holding entity may change, and its purposes may change. The fact that, at the time of the grant, its objects and composition may enable a finding to be made that its purposes (even its then express purposes) were for the benefit of Aboriginal peoples does not mean that purpose will be ongoing. The Association, according to its constitution, has objects which are consistent with the object required by s 47A(1)(b)(ii) but, as the Territory pointed out, not all its membership must comprise Aboriginal persons and its actual composition is not presently proved. 881 In my view, s 47A is intended to operate only where the legislation itself underlying the grant, or the grant itself, imposes the condition referred to so as to secure the inefinite future use of the area for the benefit of Aboriginal people. 882 The first applicants also referred extensively to the background to the grant. Part of that background is the subject of findings I have made when addressing the land claims by the Larrakia people. However, in my view, such background information does not enable a finding to be made that the area is held expressly for the benefit of Aboriginal people. The requirement that the purpose be expressed may be contrasted with the requirement in s 47B(1)(b)(ii) where the adverb (expressly) is not used in relation to the purpose of a reservation etc to which s 47B might apply.

[130]

Occupation 888 The dispute in submissions was about what amounts to occupation of the area. The Territory pointed out that neither s 47A(1)(c) nor s 47B(1)(c) refer to occupation of part only of the relevant area. In Western Australia v Ward (2000) 99 FCR 316 at [449], it was said by Beaumont and von Doussa JJ in the context of s 47A that a broad view should be taken of the word 'occupy', so that it would be satisfied by use of the land for the reserved purpose 'as and when that person wishes to do so', even if the person is rarely present on the land. Essential elements of occupation, according to that decision, are some occasional physical presence on the land, for s 47A some relevant usage of the land in accordance with the grant, or for s 47B some relevant usage of it consistent with 'the way of life, habits, customs and usages of the group' (per Olney J in Hayes v Northern Territory (1999) 97 FCR 31 at [162]), and that the activity be permitted. The single judge decisions in Rubibi Community v Western Australia (2001) 112 FCR 409 at [182]; Passi on behalf of the Meriam People v Queensland [2001] FCA 697 at [29]; Daniel at [938] and Neowarra [2003] FCA 1402 are consistent with that view. 889 I have no reason not to follow those decisions, and I do so. They were commented upon with apparent approval by the Full Court in Northern Territory of Australia v Alyawarr, Kaytetye, Waranungu, Wakaya Native Title Claim Group [2005] FCAFC 135 (Alyawarr FC)at [193]-[195]. 890 Proof of occupation is a question of fact. So much is now clear: see Alyawarr FC at [196]. There may therefore be matters of degree to be assessed, more so in relation to s 47B. Evidence to prove occupation of the particular land administration area may not be confined to what happens or has happened on that area. The particular administration area may, in a practical sense, be part of a wider area which the claimant group (or some of them) utilise in a way which amounts to occupation of that total area including the particular land administration area. At the other end of the scale, occupation need not involve intensive use of all parts of the particular land administration area. Use of parts of it, whether by residence, visits, use of roads, activities, or in other ways, may reveal occupation of that area even though not every piece of that area has been the subject of such elements. Evidence going to proof of connection may therefore be relevant to proof of particular occupation, but a finding of connection will not necessarily lead to a finding of contemporary occupation at the time of the application. 891 I do not accept that occupation may be simply 'rights based'. In the case of s 47A, the existence of the relevant grant and its terms may be very significant evidence going to occupation. Very little more may be required to take the additional step of being satisfied about occupation. In the case of s 47B, there is unlikely to be such an instrument. Underlying s 47B is that, in particular circumstances where native title rights and interests existed or would exist but for extinguishment, extinguishment is to be disregarded. On its face, it does not equate the existence of those rights and interests with occupation. Section 47B(1)(c) is intended to add a further qualifying condition to its operation. Consequently, the fact of there being (if there were) native title rights and interests over a claim area including an area to which s 47B might apply would not, in my view, of itself establish occupation. Occupancy involves more than that. Of course, depending upon the relative sizes of the claim area and of the area to which s 47B might apply, the evidence going to establish native title rights and interests may also prove occupation in particular circumstances. 892 Ultimately, 'occupation' is a complex question of fact to be decided upon the whole of the evidence and in accordance with the decisions referred to. No particular fact or facts must be shown to demonstrate occupation; it is an assessment to be made upon the whole of the evidence. 893 I agree with the Territory's submission that the process to be adopted in this matter (if I had determined the existence of native title rights and interests) would have started with addressing each 'C' site in the claim area separately. In respect of each, it would then have been necessary to determine whether s 47B(1)(b) applied to any part or parts of that particular site, and then in respect of each part or parts of that particular site to decide as a matter of fact whether those areas (the part or parts of the particular site to which s 47B may apply) were occupied by one or more members of the native title claim group. The evidence to which regard might be had in determining those issues, but particularly that concerning occupation, would not need to be confined to that about use of the particular area or areas.

[131]

Whether Section 47A and Section 47B apply to pre 30 September 1998 Applications 894 The DCC submitted that s 47A and s 47B do not apply at all to native title determination applications made prior to 30 September 1998, when those provisions were inserted in the NT Act by the amending Act. Both s 47A(1)(b) and s 47B(1)(b) provide that one of the criteria to be met, if those sections are to apply, is that a certain status of the particular area should exist 'when the application is made'. The argument, put shortly, was that as various of the applications were made before 30 September 1998, s 47A and s 47B did not then exist and so cannot be relied upon by the applicants in respect of those applications. 895 The first applicants and the Territory disputed that contention. The first applicants contended that the sections generally applied whenever the applications were made. The Territory contended they applied to applications whenever made, but with effect only from 30 September 1998. It submitted that 'there appears to be little doubt' that s 47A and s 47B can operate in respect of the native title determination applications made prior to 30 September 1998, but only from that date. 896 The status of many sites, or parts of sites, in the claim area altered between the time the particular application was made and 30 September 1998, as the Claim Area Table indicates. There were a number of freehold and leasehold grants affecting parts of the claim area in the periods from the time certain of the applications were made up to 30 September 1998. The status of those intermediate grants may therefore be affected, depending upon whether the Territory's submission or that of the first applicants is correct. 897 There is nothing in the detailed transitional provisions in Sch 5 to the amending Act directly addressing the issue. Part 3 of Sch 5 directs that applications previously made to the Native Title Registrar are taken to have been made to the Federal Court, and Pt 9 directs then that such applications are to be treated as having been made to the Court under the NT Act as amended by the 1998 amending Act. That does not, however, directly indicate that such applications are to be treated as having been made to the Federal Court on 30 September 1998 so that, by that device, s 47A and s 47B would not be seen to have a retrospective effect. 898 I consider the transitional provisions referred to do indicate an intention for applications in existence at 30 September 1998 to continue, adapted legislatively to the regime introduced by the amending Act. It is consistent with that structure, the Territory submitted, that from 30 September 1998 the provisions of s 47A and 47B should be applied to such applications as if they were taken to have been made at 30 September 1998. 899 That is the view taken at first instance by several judges of the Court. Nicholson J in Daniel at [930] and [958], and Sundberg J in Neowarra [2003] FCA 1402 at [697] and [720], applied s 47A and s 47B in circumstances where the application preceded the enactment of those sections. I did the same in Alyawarr at [314]. In none of those cases did the issue of intervening grants apparently arise. 900 The general rule, of course, is that an amendment to an enactment which may affect substantive rights or interests, unless the contrary intention clearly appears, should not be given retrospective effect so as to alter substantive rights and interests already determined under the law: see Maxwell v Murphy (1957) 96 CLR 261 at 267 per Dixon CJ; Mathieson v Burton (1971) 124 CLR 1 at 22 per Gibbs J. 901 In my view, there is no clear indication that s 47A and s 47B were intended to have a retrospective effect. The introduction of legislation intended to have that effect is likely to have been specifically remarked upon in the transitional provisions. That is more clearly so when the amending Act introduced extensive other amendments which included the regime under Div 2B of Pt 2 of the NT Act, and the transitional provisions dealing with them. I do not consider that the decision of the Full Court in State of Western Australia v Strickland [2000] FCA 652 directs a different result. It concerned the Native Title Registrar's obligations under s 190C of the NT Act in respect of the registration of a second claim over the same area. The context and purpose of the provision is quite different. The decision did not involve the potential alteration of established rights and interests retrospectively. 902 Section 11 of the NT Act was said by the first applicants to support their contention. I do not think it does. It may be accepted that native title is not able to be extinguished contrary to the NT Act. The effect of alleged extinguishing acts prior to 30 September 1998 is to be determined according to the Act as it stood prior to that date, and the effect of alleged extinguishing acts after that date is to be determined according to the Act including s 47A and s 47B. In fact, as the parties all pointed out, it is only those grants made between the commencement or making of an application and 30 September 1998 whose effect might be altered by the competing submissions of the first applicants and the Territory. 903 However, I consider there are contextual reasons to accept the submission of the first respondent. In my view, it is unlikely that the amending Act was intended to create a hybrid category of grants which escaped the operation of s 47B altogether. It was a matter of deliberate drafting that the transitional provisions did not deem the applications to be taken as having been made to the Federal Court as having been so made at 30 September 1998. That could readily have been done. The intention of s 47B, if it applies, is to render the extinguishing effect of the creation of 'prior' interests to be disregarded. I have found below that a prior interest must be one created before the application was made. If s 47B deemed the application (at least for its purposes) to have been made at 30 September 1998, then the intermediate grants would have given rise to prior interests. The alternative, which in my view has been adopted, is to deem the application to have been made to the Federal Court but not to affect the date it was made. That way, there is no special category of intermediate grants which fall between the arms of operation of s 47B. Had such a special category been intended, it could have readily been recognised and provided for.

[132]

'Prior interest' 904 Sections 47A(2) and (3) and 47B(2) and (3), if they apply, direct that the extinguishing effect of certain 'prior' interests be disregarded. The Territory and the DCC contended that a 'prior interest' is one which was created before the making of the relevant application. The first applicants contended that it may include an interest created after the date when the application was made and before any determination of native title, as well as an interest current at the time of the relevant application. 905 In my view, a 'prior interest' must be one created before the making of the application. That is the meaning to be derived from the context. Both s 47A(1) and s 47B(1) dictate their application by reference to circumstances at the date when the relevant application was made. It would follow that their effect, if they apply, is to operate at the same point in time. Both s 47A(2) and s 47B(2), have as their introductory words '[f]or all purposes under this Act in relation to the application …'. Those words further point to the extinguishing effect of those sections applying to interests which arose before the date of the application. In addition, as s 47(2)(b) refers to 'any other' prior interest, the interest referred to in s 47(2)(a) may also inform the meaning of 'prior'; it does so by identifying an interest which must have existed before the application was made. I do not see anything in the decision in Erubam Le (Darnley Islanders) #1 v State of Queensland (2003) 134 FCR 155 (Erubam Le) to the contrary. 906 I do not consider that s 47B(3) leads to any different conclusion. It preserves the validity of the creation of any prior interest, or the interest of the Crown in any public works. It does not thereby tend to support the view that s 47B generally applies to interests created after the application was made and before 30 September 1998. The contrary would appear to be the case by reason of the use of the term 'prior interest' which (as I have found above) refers to an interest created before the making of the relevant application.

[133]

Whether s 47B can apply to land within the Municipality of Darwin 907 The DCC was constituted as a body corporate under s 30 of the Local Government Ordinance 1954 (NT). The Municipality of Darwin was constituted and defined under s 8(1) of that Ordinance on 28 June 1957. The DCC is the municipal council for the Municipality of Darwin. 908 The Town of Darwin was constituted and proclaimed on 27 June 1923. It was duly gazetted. Its area has been extended from time to time. Presently, most of the claim area is within its municipal area, and so subject to the powers of the DCC under the Local Government Act 1993 (NT). 909 The DCC has exercised those powers and performed its function by its by-Laws, and by the construction, establishment, maintenance and operation of various works, including roadworks. It submitted those works are public works within the meaning of s 253 of the NT Act. It has also held tenure of various kinds within its municipal area. Presently it holds fee simple interest in twelve of the sites on the Claim Area List. 910 The DCC contended that s 47B does not apply within its municipal area. It also contended that, even if s 47B did apply, it does not cause the extinguishing effects of public works to be disregarded. It relied on Daniel [970] and Erubam Le respectively for those propositions. If s 47B does not so apply to its municipal area, or to those parts of its municipal area within the proclaimed Towns of Darwin, Sanderson and Nightcliff, any areas within those boundaries which have been subject to a previous exclusive possession act are, it contended, excluded from the application of s 47B so that it would not operate in those municipal areas to direct certain extinguishing acts to be disregarded. 911 Section 47B(1)(b)(ii) relevantly provides that the section applies only if, at the time of the application, the relevant area was not covered by 'a reservation, proclamation … conferred by the Crown … under which the whole or a part of the land or waters in the area is to be used for public purposes or for a particular purpose'.

[134]

912 The proclamation of the Town of Darwin was made on 27 June 1927. The Town of Nightcliff was constituted and proclaimed on 10 March 1949 by proclamation under the Crown Lands Ordinance 1949 and also duly gazetted. The Town of Sanderson was constituted and proclaimed on 23 June 1972 by proclamation under that Ordinance and duly gazetted. Section 17 of the Acts Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth) would apply to remove any doubt that the three proclamations (and those extending the boundaries of the areas of those towns) are proclamations to which s 47B(1)(b)(ii) may apply. 913 The several proclamations do not expressly require that the areas constituting those towns should be 'used for public purposes or for a particular purpose'. Each proclamation set aside the land so proclaimed 'as town lands' and, in my view, clearly then connoted the use of that land as towns. 914 I accept the submissions of the first applicants that the purpose requirement in s 47B(1)(b)(ii) applies to any form of instrument by which the area is set aside. There was no firm submission to the contrary. There is no apparent reason why the legislature would have intended to apply the purpose requirement to some only of the instruments to which the subsection might apply. Its underlying thesis appears to be that land used or to be used for particular purposes should not be affected by the operation of s 47B, that is that the extinguishing effect of the instrument should not be disregarded and the public purposes or the particular purpose of the grant effected by the instrument should be fulfilled. 915 The first applicants and the DCC disagreed as to whether the relevant instrument under s 47B(1)(b)(ii) must itself provide that the land be used for public purposes or for a particular purpose. The DCC contended that the purpose may be apparent from another source, such as the enactment under which the relevant instruments (as presently relevant, the proclamations) were made. 916 I agree with the submission of the DCC. Section 47B(1)(b)(ii) does not require the proposed use to be dictated by the terms of the relevant instrument. As noted above, that may be contrasted with the use of the word 'expressly' in s 47A(1)(b)(ii). Nevertheless, it is plain that s 47B is intended to apply except where the proposed use which falls within its terms involved a permanent or long term element. It is not intended to apply in circumstances where, at the option of the beneficiary of the instrument, the use of the relevant area may be readily altered. Consequently, in my view, the qualifying purpose must clearly emerge either from the relevant instrument or from the legislative or regulatory structure under which the relevant instrument was able to be made. 917 The present issue concerns whether the proclamations of parts of the claim area, by which they were 'set apart for towns', brings the areas the subject of those proclamations within s 47B(1)(b)(ii) so that s 47B would not apply in those areas. If that were so, it would not have the consequence that native title rights and interests could not be established within a town area. That may be contrasted with the position under the ALR Act: see s 3(1) of that Act defining 'unalienated Crown Land'. It would have the effect, however, that any extinguishing acts within the area of a town could not be disregarded as s 47B would otherwise direct. 918 I note that in Alyawarr, I found that s 47B may apply to a declared township (at [311]). The respondents in that case do not appear to have argued to the contrary. In Daniel, Nicholson J at [970] held that s 47B had no application within the defined boundaries of a township. Although, as the first respondent points out, that conclusion was not critical to his Honour's decision about the status of that claim in the Karratha township, it was a considered conclusion. 919 The debate, for present purposes, has been resolved by the Full Court decision in Alyawarr FC. The Court (Wilcox, French and Weinberg JJ) at [187] concluded that 'the mere proclamation of a townsite, which might comprise largely private property holdings by lease or otherwise, does not define public purposes or a particular purpose within the meaning of s 47B(1)(b)(ii)'.

[135]

Section 23B(9C) 920 The DCC contended that grants of land to it in fee simple are previous exclusive possession acts, notwithstanding s 23B(9C) of the definition of that term. 921 Section 23B(9C) says that a grant 'to or in the Crown in any capacity or a statutory authority' results in the grant not being a previous exclusive possession act unless (relevantly) apart from the NT Act the grant extinguished native title in relation to the area the subject of the grant. 922 The first applicants and the DCC are agreed that it is a 'statutory authority', so that those grants are not previous exclusive possession acts unless they extinguished native title in relation to these areas apart from the NT Act. The DCC says the grants had that effect at common law, either by the grants or by usage consequent upon the grants (the latter step being taken to enliven the exception in s 23B(9C)(b)). The Territory submitted that the DCC was not caught within s 23B(9C) at all. 923 Section 253 of the NT Act defines 'statutory authority' to include any authority or body established by a law of the Territory other than a general law allowing incorporation as a company or body corporate. I have noted the statutory foundation for the DCC above. It was constituted as a body corporate under s 30 of the Local Government Ordinance 1954. That Ordinance is not a general law allowing incorporation as a company or a body corporate. 924 Section 8 of Pt III of that Ordinance empowered the Minister to constitute towns to be municipalities and to fix the boundaries for them. The administration of a municipality was contemplated as being charged to a council, and the Ordinance provided for councils to be elected or appointed under it. The DCC was then first elected on 29 June 1957. Part IV of the Ordinance prescribed certain features of councils, including by s 30 that they shall be bodies corporate and by s 32 as to their composition. 925 In my view, the DCC is not a statutory authority as defined in the NT Act. It is not constituted as a body corporate established by the Ordinance, but (as the Territory submitted) under it. The use of the word 'established' points to the need for the enactment itself to create the statutory authority. An example was addressed by the High Court in Ward concerning the Conservation Land Corporation, established by s 27 of the Conservation Commission Act 1980 (NT). The Local Government Ordinance 1954, and now the Local Government Act 1993 (NT) provide merely for the creation of certain entities in respect of municipalities constituted by the Minister in the exercise of powers under that legislation.

[138]

The Other Respondents 930 Telstra Corporation Ltd (Telstra) or its predecessors have exercised statutory powers to instal telecommunications facilities on Crown land and on privately owned land throughout Australia since 1901, including in the Darwin area. 931 It established the Karama Mobile Phone Tower in the Darwin area. That is not on a site within the present claim area. It has also installed extensive cabling over many years, including within parts of the claim area. That cabling was validly installed, pursuant to the statutory powers of Telstra or its predecessors from time to time. 932 Telstra does not contend that the installation of its cabling extinguished such native title as may exist or have existed in the claim area. It correctly contends, however, that its interests prevail over any such native title rights and interests by reason of s 44H of the NT Act and the common law. Were I to be proceeding to make a determination of native title, the determination would include a declaration that the native title would be subject to the laws of the Territory and of the Commonwealth of Australia and at common law. I would also include a declaration that the other interests in the determination area which s 225(c) of the NT Act requires to be described include the interests of Telstra as the owner and operator of the telecommunications cabling within the claim area, together with its statutory rights, and the rights of access of its employees and agents in the performance of their duties in respect of the claim area. I would further declare that Telstra's rights prevail over the native title rights and interests of the applicants. 933 NT Gas Pty Ltd as Trustee of the Amadeus Gas Trust is the licensee of two pipelines which traverse parts of the claim area. The licences provide for a safety and access corridor. It is also the offeree of Crown Leases over certain sites within the claim area where the Tivendale and Berrimah Pressure Reducing Stations are located. It contends that those acts extinguish such native title rights and interests as might otherwise have existed over the areas they occupy, in particular any right to control access to those areas. The first applicants dispute that the offer of Crown Leases does, as a matter of fact, have that effect. There is also evidence that much of the pipelined areas are on public roads, the construction of which (as Category A past acts for the purposes of the NT Act) wholly extinguished any native title in relation to those roads and adjacent areas. As the first applicants point out, having regard to the width of the corridor for one of the licences, it will only marginally be within the public road area. They accept, at least in respect of the Channel Island Road Reserve, that public works extinguished any native title over the area of the public works. Otherwise, there are disputed questions of fact and degree, arising partly from the claim that there is uncertainty in the location of the pipelines in relation to parts of the claim area. It is unnecessary to address those particular matters. 934 NT Gas Distribution Pty Ltd is the owner of the pipeline between Darwin and Berrimah the subject of one of the licences to NT Gas Pty Ltd. It claims that the grant of the land over which that pipeline is laid, and over the land where the extension of that pipeline to further areas is also laid (of which it too is the owner and operator), extinguished any native title over those areas, and in particular it claims that any native title rights to exclusively control access to those areas has been extinguished or suspended to the extent of the inconsistency. The first applicants contend that the evidence does not support those assertions. It is not necessary to finally decide those issues. Nor is it necessary to address the significance of public works over those parts of the claim area where that respondent says its pipelines extend. 935 The first applicants acknowledge that the land about which Defence Housing Authority, Delfin Chase Pty Ltd and ANZ Banking Group Ltd are concerned cannot be the subject of a favourable determination of native title. Any native title over that land, Lot 4640 Palmerston, has been extinguished. It is the site described as C193 in the Claim Area List. 936 AFANT, in addition to adopting the Territory's submission on extinguishment, made submissions about tidal waters in the claim area. It contends that the public right to fish and to navigate in tidal waters, discussed in Yarmirr at [60] and [94], meant that the first applicants could no longer properly maintain a right to exclude from the tidal waters all but those exercising those public rights. Whether such a claimed right may be available is a matter of doubt: see the High Court in Ward at [388]; Gumana v Northern Territory of Australia (No 2) [2005] FCA 1425; Gumana v Northern Territory of Australia (2005) 141 FCR 457; Alyawarr FC. As I am not making a determination of native title rights and interests, I do not have to finally determine the issue. 937 Finally, Giuseppe Maugeri, a person holding mining tenements within Section 1817 Hundred of Ayers (Claim Area C2314 in the Claim Area List) made submissions which, in relevant respects, reflected those put by the Territory on extinguishment. The submissions adopted a somewhat broader brush to certain of the issues. It is not necessary to consider them in detail.

WILLIAM RISK, HELEN SECRETARY & PAULINE BABAN ON BEHALF OF THE LARRAKIA PEOPLE and KEVIN LANCE QUALL ON BEHALF OF THE DANGGALABA & KULUMBIRINGIN PEOPLE v NORTHERN TERRITORY OF AUSTRALIA and DARWIN CITY COUNCIL and AMATEUR FISHERMEN'S ASSOCIATION OF THE NORTHERN TERRITORY

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