JUDGE1
KING CJ The appellants were tried in the Supreme Court on an Information
containing a count of false imprisonment
and a count of causing grievous
bodily harm with intent to do grievous bodily harm. They were found guilty on
each count. There
was a third count of assault occasioning actual bodily harm
but that was an alternative to the second count and no verdict was taken
upon
it. The appellants have appealed against those convictions.
2. The offences were alleged to have been committed against one
Patricia
Hunter at a property at Swan Reach where Runjanjic and a man by the name of
Hill lived together on a de facto basis. Hill
was originally jointly charged
with the appellants but died suddenly in January of this year.
3. Runjanjic is 30 years of age.
She worked in various jobs after leaving
school. She met Hill in 1981 and commenced her de facto relationship with
him. The relationship
was undoubtedly marked by Hill's dominance and
Runjanjic's subservience. He put her to work as a prostitute. There was a
consistent
pattern of domineering and violent conduct by Hill towards
Runjanjic. She was expected to attend to his every need, including quite
trivial needs, and the price of disobedience was severe beating. Nevertheless
it is clear that she loved Hill and was intensely
loyal to him. She bore his
child in 1989.
4. Kontinnen is 26 years of age. She first met Hill when she was keeping
company with
Hill's cousin. That friendship broke up when Kontinnen was
about 22 years of age. It appears that from that time Hill began to
exert an
influence over Kontinnen and he engaged her to conduct a business known as
"Fantasy Phonecall Service". She also had a
job at Bridgestones. Kontinnen
joined with Hill and Runjanjic in purchasing the property at Swan Reach. A
sexual relationship developed
between Hill and Kontinnen and he prevailed upon
her to work as a prostitute. From that time on Hill looked upon both the
appellants
as his women and designated them No.1 and No.2. His conduct
towards Kontinnen was also domineering and marked by habitual violence.
The
two appellants and Hill had lived as one household on occasions, but at the
time of these alleged offences Hill and Runjanjic
were living at Swan Reach
and Kontinnen was living in Adelaide.
5. The alleged victim, Patricia Hunter, had been a friend of Kontinnen
for
many years. Their friendship seems to have cooled somewhat as the result of
Kontinnen's relationship with Hill and Hill's influence
on her, but they
remained friends and Kontinnen knew that Patricia Hunter would help her if
needed. It appears that shortly before
the commission of these alleged
offences, some articles were stolen from the house occupied by Kontinnen. As
I understand the evidence,
this was a house in which Hill and Runjanjic also
resided when they were in Adelaide. A friend told Kontinnen that Hunter had
possession of some of the stolen
articles. Kontinnen told Hill of this
information.
6. Hill directed Runjanjic to telephone Kontinnen with instructions to get
Hunter
up to Swan Reach. This was to be accomplished by telling a false story
to her. The story which Hill invented and which was relayed
by Runjanjic to
Kontinnen was that Kontinnen had spent some money which Hill had entrusted to
her and that it was necessary for her
to get some money quickly to replace
that which she had spent in order to avoid a beating. She was to ask Hunter
to accompany her
to Swan Reach in order to assist her to sell some furniture
and some Indian Hemp to enable her to raise the necessary money. She
was to
tell Hunter that Hill and Runjanjic were absent from the property.
7. Kontinnen duly told this story to Hunter and persuaded
her to accompany
her to Swan Reach. On arrival there Hill and Runjanjic were waiting for her.
Hill beat Hunter severely with a shotgun
and inflicted other forms of violence
on her. She suffered quite severe injuries including a broken arm.
8. The events which followed
the initial beating are in dispute. Hunter said
that she was detained at the property against her will. At one stage she was
handcuffed
to a bed. She was subjected to verbal and physical ill-treatment
and was made to gather firewood in her injured condition. She
was
interrogated about the alleged theft, about who was implicated and where the
stolen property was. At one stage rings were cut
from her swollen fingers
against her will. Hunter said that she was kept against her will at one
property at Swan Reach from the
time of her arrival on a Tuesday until the
Wednesday night. She was then taken to another property and kept there
against her will
until the Friday. Hill, Runjanjic and Kontinnen were present
during most of this period. On the Friday Hill and Kontinnen had left
and
Hunter was left alone with Runjanjic. Runjanjic told her that they had to go
to the other property and took her in a truck.
There was a shotgun in the
truck. The truck broke down and Hunter made her escape on foot. She hailed a
car on the main road but
Runjanic arrived on the scene and tried to drag her
back to the truck. Runjanjic told the occupants of the car Hunter had been
involved
in an accident and to take no notice of her. The occupants of the
car, however, took her to a police station.
9. The appellants
in their evidence admitted being parties to deceiving
Hunter into going to Swan Reach. They denied, however, that they anticipated
that Hill would use violence towards her and denied that they were part of any
plan involving the use of violence. Their evidence
was that the purpose of
the plan from their point of view was simply to persuade Hunter to disclose
information about the supposed
theft. They claimed that Hunter remained at
Swan Reach willingly and denied that she was under restraint or that handcuffs
were
used. They explained their apparent co-operation with Hill by stating
that they would face violence from him if they disobeyed him.
10. The primary defence, as it was put to the jury, was that the appellants
were not parties to any plan involving the imprisonment
or violence and that
Hill's assault on Hunter was not anticipated by them. Alternatively, it was
contended on their behalf that
their wills were overborne by fear of Hill's
violence and that they acted under duress.
11. Mr Borick, who was counsel for Kontinnen
at the trial and for both
appellants on the appeal, argued that the verdicts were unsafe and
unsatisfactory. It seems to me, however,
that it was quite open to a
reasonable jury to reach verdicts of guilty beyond reasonable doubt. There
can be little doubt that
Hill was a domineering man and that the appellants
were under his influence to a considerable extent. Nevertheless there was a
considerable
body of evidence from which the jury could reasonably infer that
they both willingly co-operated in the plan to inveigle Hunter to Swan Reach
knowing that
Hill intended to attempt to beat information out of her regarding
the supposed theft. It is difficult to see why it was necessary
to inveigle
Hunter to the property at Swan Reach unless unlawful force was intended to be
used. Runjanjic told Kontinnen that the
purpose was to teach Hunter a lesson.
Hunter's evidence was that Runjanjic joined in the infliction of violence to
the extent of
punching her. The two appellants joined in the questioning of
Hunter following the violence and they participated in the cutting
of the
rings from her swollen fingers. Kontinnen went to Adelaide and brought
Hunter's children to the Swan Reach property on the
Wednesday. Clearly
Runjanjic was left to guard Hunter on the Friday and was engaged in doing that
when the truck broke down. She
attempted to prevent Hunter's escape. It is
not surprising that the jury rejected the appellants' evidence that they were
unaware
that Hill intended to use violence towards Hunter and even less
surprising that they rejected their evidence that Hunter was not
detained
against her will but was quite willing to remain at the property
notwithstanding the ill-treatment she had received and
the severe injuries
from which she was suffering.
12. The defence of duress was a matter for the consideration of the jury.
Its
force was greatly weakened, however, by the fact that the appellants did
not claim to have participated in a plan involving imprisonment
and violence
out of fear, but had denied such participation altogether. Their credibility
must have been severely weakened in the
eyes of the jury by what were seen to
be false denials and that must have greatly influenced the jury's assessment
of the story that,
to the extent that they co-operated with Hill, they did so
only out of fear.
13. I do not think that on the evidence given in the
case, the verdict could
be regarded as unsafe or unsatisfactory and that ground of appeal must fail.
14. There was another ground
of appeal which raises an important question of
admissibility of evidence. At the trial Mr Borick sought to call a Mr Fugler,
a
professional psychologist, to give evidence of what Mr Borick described on
the appeal as "the battered woman syndrome". The learned
trial judge ruled
that the evidence was inadmissible and Mr Borick has argued on the appeal that
that ruling was wrong.
15. Mr Fugler
was not sworn and the judge was not provided with a proof of
the evidence which he proposed to give. Mr Borick summarized the proposed
evidence for the judge. He described Mr Fugler as a clinical forensic
psychologist of 20 years experience. He described the proposed
evidence in the
following terms:
" Our basic submission is that there are certain behaviour
patterns displayed by women
who are battered in the way these women
have been battered and it leads to certain inabilities to handle
situations in the
way ordinary people would, and in brief what they
have undergone is beyond ordinary experience and the jury would
require
assistance from someone like Dr Fugler to explain.
The sort of behaviour patterns that in general patterns Mr Fugler
would
talk about would be that it starts with what he described as a
role induction whereby they become accustomed to violence and
begin
to rationalize violence. It is associated with a loss of
self-esteem and confidence which robs them of the ability
to cope
with infliction of violence in the way that an ordinary person
would. Violence becomes normal. Then there is the
effect of long
term fear arising out of threats of death or severe injuries over a
period of time. Mr Fugler says that leads
to a type of dependence
where they become dependent upon their assailant. He says their
emotional responses are blocked
and the expectation of violence
which is abnormal to an ordinary person becomes normal to them.
Their anxiety level robs them of the ability to make decisions and
that is an
important aspect of the evidence from the psychologist."
16. I think that it is reasonable to suppose that Mr Borick's summary of
the
evidence which Mr Fugler would give was by no means complete. He would have
given evidence no doubt of what is now known by psychologists
as the "battered
woman syndrome". There is now a considerable body of literature on this topic
and a perusal of that literature
enables one to flesh out from Mr Borick's
bare summary the sort of evidence which Mr Fugler might have been expected to
give if he
had been permitted to do so. I propose to refer to the features of
the "battered woman syndrome" as it is described in the literature.
As I have
said, the body of literature on the topic, particularly in the United States
of America, is considerable. I have selected
for citation from the mass of
available material articles which I have found to be most useful because they
relate features of the
syndrome to legal issues which arise in criminal
trials. Those articles are cited in the footnote to these reasons. I draw
attention
particularly to two articles which, I think, sufficiently describe
the syndrome for present purposes. I refer to an article entitled
"Educating
Juries: The Battered Woman Defence in Canada" by Daniel J Brodsky published in
Vol.25 No.3 Alberta Law Review 461, and
an article entitled "The Admissibility
of Expert Testimony on Battered Wife Syndrome: An Evidentiary Analysis" by
Annie E. Thar published
in Vol.77 No. 3 Northwestern University Law Review
348.
17. I gather from the literature that the idea of the battered woman syndrome
was pioneered by Dr Lenore Walker in a publication
entitled "The Battered
Woman" in 1979. She is the author of "The Battered Woman Syndrome" published
in 1984. It now appears to
be a recognized facet of clinical psychology in
the United States and Canada. It emerges from the literature that methodical
studies
by trained psychologists of situations of domestic violence have
revealed typical patterns of behaviour on the part of the male batterer
and
the female victim, and typical responses on the part of the female victim. It
has been revealed, so it appears, that women who
have suffered habitual
domestic violence are typically affected psychologically to the extent that
their reactions and responses
differ from those which might be expected by
persons who lack the advantage of an acquaintance with the result of those
studies.
18. Repeated acts of violence, alternating very often with phases of kindness
and loving behaviour, commonly leave the battered
woman in a psychological
condition described as "learned helplessness". She cannot predict or control
the occurrence of acute outbreaks
of violence and often clings to the hope
that the kind and loving phases will become the norm. This is often
reinforced by financial
dependence, children and feelings of guilt. The
battered woman rarely seeks outside help because of fear of further violence.
It
is not uncommon for such women to experience feelings for their mate which
they describe as love. There is often an all pervasive
feeling that it is
impossible to escape the dominance and violence of the mate. There is a sense
of constant fear with a perceived
inability to escape the situation.
19. An essential pre-requisite to the admission of expert evidence as to the
battered woman syndrome
is that it be accepted by experts competent in the
field of psychology or psychiatry as a scientifically established facet of
psychology.
This must be established by appropriate evidence. Because the
learned trial judge ruled the evidence to be inadmissible on other
grounds, Mr
Fugler was not examined on this point and no finding was made. A perusal of
the literature to which I have referred,
however, indicates a wide acceptance
of the syndrome as having a valid existence. The attitudes of various courts
in the United
States are discussed in a number of the articles cited in the
footnote. Two citations will suffice.
20. In The People of the State
of New York v Torres 488 New York Supplement
2nd Series (1985) 358, the trial judge, Bernstein J, admitted expert evidence
of the
Battered Woman Syndrome. He said at 363:
" Upon careful reflection and analysis, however, it is the
opinion of this court
that the theory underlying the battered
woman's syndrome has indeed passed beyond the experimental stage and
gained a substantial
enough scientific acceptance to warrant
admissibility. According to Dr. Blackman, numerous articles and
books have been
published about the battered woman's syndrome; and
recent findings of researchers in the field have confirmed its
presence
and thereby indicated that the scientific community accepts
its underlying premises."
This passage was cited with approval by
the Court of Appeals of New Mexico in
State of New Mexico v Gallegos 719 Pacific Reporter 2nd Series 1268 (1986) at
1274, and the
Court added:
" In our case, the trial court apparently found the
psychologist qualified to testify in her area of expertise.
The
court evidently also determined that the 'battered wife syndrome'
had gained general recognition and acceptance in the
field of
psychology. We, therefore, see no reason for excluding use of a
recognized term to describe the phenomenon. Certainly
the term used
to describe this condition could be no more inflammatory than its
symptoms, and far less than its causes.
Accordingly, we hold that
the trial court should not have excluded, during the expert's
testimony, use of the term 'battered wife syndrome'."
21. The same
view has been taken in Canada, see Lavallee v The Queen 55 CCC
(3d) 397 (1990), a case to which I shall return later. I am not aware of any
case on the subject in Australia or in any other common law
country.
22. Evidence of the kind under discussion is relevant, in my opinion, to
issues arising in this case. It was necessary
on the evidence for the jury to
consider whether the appellants were constrained by duress to participate in
the crimes charged.
The learned trial judge left that issue to the jury. The
defence of duress exists "when the otherwise criminal acts are committed
not
out of choice but because the will of the accused is overborne by threats of
death or serious physical injury in such circumstances
that the will of a
person of reasonable firmness might be similarly overborne"; The Queen v Brown
(1986) 43 SASR 33 at 37. The availability of the defence is subject to a
condition that the accused has not failed to avail himself of an opportunity
which was reasonably open to him to render the threat ineffective; The Queen v
Brown supra at 39. There is therefore a subjective
and an objective aspect of
the test. There is the question whether the will of the accused was actually
overborne. There is then
the further question whether the will of a person of
reasonable firmness in his situation would have been overborne.
23. The learned
judge ruled the proffered evidence to be inadmissible on the
ground that the test is objective and that expert evidence of the state
of
mind of the appellants was therefore irrelevant. I do not think that that is
a sound basis for excluding the evidence. In the
first place it ignores the
subjective aspect of the test. Even if the evidence had no bearing on the
objective aspect, it would
be relevant to the question whether the wills of
these appellants were in fact overborne. But it also misapprehends, in my
opinion,
an important thrust of the proffered evidence. It may be that the
expert is in a position to express an opinion as to the condition
of mind of
these appellants, but the primary thrust of the evidence is to establish a
pattern of responses commonly exhibited by
battered women. The proffered
evidence is concerned not so much with the particular responses of these
appellants as with what would
be expected of women generally, that is to say
women of reasonable firmness, who should find themselves in a domestic
situation such
as that in which the appellants were. It is designed to assist
the court in assessing whether women of reasonable firmness would
succumb to
the pressure to participate in the offences. It also serves to explain why
even a woman of reasonable firmness would
not escape the situation rather than
participate in criminal activity. As such it is relevant.
24. Not all knowledge, however, which
is relevant to an issue and which forms
part of an organized field of knowledge, may be imparted to a court by means
of expert testimony.
The law jealously guards the role of the jury, or the
Court where it is the trier of the facts, as the judge of human nature, of
the
behaviour of normal people and of situations which are within the experience
of ordinary persons or are capable of being understood
by them; R. v Turner
1975 QB 834. It is not sufficient, in order to justify the admission of
expert evidence of the battered woman syndrome, as was argued by counsel
for
the appellant, that the ordinary juror would have no experience of the
situation of a battered woman. Jurors are constantly
expected to judge of
situations, and of the behaviour of people in situations, which are outside
their experience. Much conduct
which occupies the attention of the criminal
courts occurs in the criminal underworld, or in sordid conditions and
situations, of
which jurors would generally have no experience. It is not
considered to be beyond the capacity of juries, or of the Court if it
is the
trier of the facts, to judge of the reactions and behaviour of people in those
situations. Expert evidence of how life in
criminal or sordid conditions
might affect a person's responses to situations, would not be admitted.
25. Nevertheless, some human
situations or relations, or the attitudes or
behaviour of some categories of persons, may be so special and so outside the
experience
of jurors, or of the court if it is the trier of facts, that
evidence of methodical studies of behaviour or attitudes in such situations
or
relations, or of the attitudes or behaviour of those categories of persons,
may be admissible. The fact that the accused person
cannot be characterized
as an abnormal person or that the evidence relates to the behaviour of normal
persons in special situations
is not necessarily a bar to the admission of
such evidence; Murphy v The Queen [1989] HCA 28; (1988-89) 167 CLR 94 per Mason CJ and Toohey
J at 112, per Dawson J at 130-1. This principle is stated in Transport
Publishing Co. Pty Ltd v The Literature
Board of Review [1956] HCA 73; (1957-58) 99 CLR 111
in the joint judgment of Dixon CJ, Kitto and Taylor JJ in the following
passage at p.119:
"With reference to the second of these
it may be said at
once that ordinary human nature, that of people at large, is not a
subject of proof by evidence, whether
supposedly expert or not. But
particular descriptions of persons may conceivably form the subject
of study and of special
knowledge. This may be because they are
abnormal in mentality or abnormal in behaviour as a result of
circumstances peculiar
to their history or situation. It is an
illustration far away from the subject in hand but it appears that
the manner in
which men pursuing a special vocation would reason
about a matter of business may be the subject of evidence. Thus it
happens
to have been a question much controverted whether persons
skilled in marine insurance could be called, when the question is