Family and personal history
55Tendered on behalf of the offender were a number of affidavits and reports that were prepared for his sentencing proceedings in 1995. In my estimation, that body of evidence goes a very long way to explaining how it is that the offender came to spend a large amount of his late adolescence appearing before the Children's Court in places like Bourke, Broken Hill and Lake Cargeligo.
56The affidavits were sworn by his Grandmother, Eileen Hines, his mother Susan Hines, his foster father, Peter Hines and his auntie (and foster mother), Josephine Wightman. Each of those people played a part in "rearing up" the offender. He moved between them from time to time and moved with their families from town to town. He lived at Wanaaring with his grandmother and mother for a time. His mother recalls that it was a tin house down the back of another family's house. There was no bathroom or water connected - they used the kitchen and bathroom of the other family. His mother said she used to drink a lot in those days. Her sister and mother used help look after Mr Hines when he was a child.
57He moved to the Bourke Mission and into a new house. This house had utilities. However, his grandmother said "it was a terrible life for the kids in Bourke". The family moved to Dubbo for a while when Mr Hines was about 7 or 8. They only stayed there for a few months before moving back to Bourke. His mother said they "didn't really settle down" and were back and forth between Bourke and Wanaaring. He lived between his mother, his aunty and his grandmother. He stopped going to school at about 13 years of age.
58Peter Hines gives a slightly different history but its central and critical features are the same. He recalled that the offender came to live with him and Joesphine Wightman when he was still a "little fella - couldn't walk". That was in Wanaaring and in a two bedroom tin hut. There was no electricity and the only running water was a tap outside. To take a bath, people went down to the river. To cook, they had an open fire outside. Not long after the family "got Alan" they moved to a bigger new house with "everything on - hot water, electricity". The family then moved to Bourke because Peter Hines' old mother was sick. They lived in a tin hut with no water and electricity. At some stage they got "a good house with everything on - electricity and hot water".
59I pause to note that the housing conditions that I am describing existed in a first world country in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
60A report of Dr Richard Furst was prepared to explore the offender's fitness to plead and the defence of substantial impairment. I accept the history provided in that report. A similar history was provided by the offender to an experienced psychologist, Ms Robilliard.The material in those reports is hearsay but it is generally consistent with the direct evidence from the offender's family. I accept as fact the history provided by the offender.
61The offender started drinking daily when he was just 14 years old. He was exposed to alocohol and some violence from an early age. There is little evidence of his obtaining gainful employment. This is not surprising given the towns that he was living in, the itinerant nature of his family life and his lack of education. However, he sometimes got work with the Commonwealth Development Employment Program (CDEP) and cleaned up the Bourke reserve. I note in passing, and with unqualified dismay, that I have been informed that this programme has recently been abolished.This information came from elders of the Kamilaroi people on a Judicial Commission visit to Walgett on 13-14 September 2014. The Kamilaroi elders expressed their deep concern at the closing of the programme that had provided youth in towns like Walgett, Wilcannia, Brewarrina and Bourke with a rare opportunity to do work of which they were justifiably proud.
62The case gives rise to a consideration of the recent High Court cases of Bugmy v The Queen [2013] HCA 37; 249 CLR 571 and Munda v Western Australia [2013] HCA 38; (2013) 249 CLR 600. In R v Booth [2014] NSWCCA 156 I discussed those cases noting that each of them "gave rise to similar and profound issues concerning the sentencing of Aboriginal offenders who come from deprived, dysfunctional and marginalised backgrounds". The present case, and the evidence to which I have just referred, also gives rise to those issues in a stark and distressing way. I reproduce what I said in Booth from paragraph [20]:
"20. The High Court emphasised in both decisions that offenders are not to be treated differently because of their ethnic or racial background. Unlike the situation in Canada, there is no legislative warrant to do so: contra R v Gladue [1999] 1 SCR 688, R v Ipeelee [2012] 1 SCR 433.
21. In Bugmy v The Queen French CJ, Hayne, Crennan, Kiefel, Bell and Keane JJ said at [36]:
'There is no warrant, in sentencing an Aboriginal offender in New South Wales, to apply a method of analysis different from that which applies in sentencing a non-Aboriginal offender. Nor is there a warrant to take into account the high rate of incarceration of Aboriginal people when sentencing an Aboriginal offender. Were this a consideration, the sentencing of Aboriginal offenders would cease to involve individualised justice.'
22. In Munda v Western Australia French CJ, Hayne, Crennan, Kiefel, Gageler and Keane JJ said at [53]:
'Mitigating factors must be given appropriate weight, but they must not be allowed 'to lead to the imposition of a penalty which is disproportionate to the gravity of the instant offence.' It would be contrary to the principle stated by Brennan J in Neal to accept that Aboriginal offending is to be viewed systemically as less serious than offending by persons of other ethnicities. To accept that Aboriginal offenders are in general less responsible for their actions than other persons would be to deny Aboriginal people their full measure of human dignity. It would be quite inconsistent with the statement of principle in Neal to act upon a kind of racial stereotyping which diminishes the dignity of individual offenders by consigning them, by reason of their race and place of residence, to a category of persons who are less capable than others of decent behaviour. Further, it would be wrong to accept that a victim of violence by an Aboriginal offender is somehow less in need, or deserving, of such protection and vindication as the criminal law can provide.'
23. The reference to the 'principle stated by Brennan J' is a reference to what his Honour said in Neal v The Queen (1982) 149 CLR 305 at 326:
'The same sentencing principles are to be applied ... in every case, irrespective of the identity of a particular offender or his membership of an ethnic or other group. But in imposing sentences courts are bound to take into account, in accordance with those principles, all material facts including those facts which exist only by reason of the offender's membership of an ethnic or other group. So much is essential to the even administration of criminal justice. That done, however, the weight to be attributed to the factors material in a particular case, whether of aggravation or mitigation, is ordinarily a matter for the court exercising the sentencing discretion of first instance or for the Court of Criminal Appeal.'
24. Similar sentiments were articulated by Wood J in R v Fernando (1992) 76 A Crim R 58 at 63:
'[I]n sentencing persons of Aboriginal descent the court must avoid any hint of racism, paternalism or collective guilt yet must nevertheless assess realistically the objective seriousness of the crime within its local setting and by reference to the particular subjective circumstances of the offender.'
This passage was referred to with approval in Munda v Western Australia at [51].
25. In Bugmy v The Queen the joint reasons at [37] commended the following observations of Simpson J in Kennedy v The Queen [2010] NSWCCA 260 at [53]:
'Properly understood, Fernando is a decision, not about sentencing Aboriginals, but about the recognition, in sentencing decisions, of social disadvantage that frequently (no matter what the ethnicity of the offender) precedes the commission of crime.'
26. The High Court observed at [37] that "an Aboriginal offender's deprived background may militate the sentence that would otherwise be appropriate" noting that the same principle applies to a non-Aboriginal offender. The joint reasons went on to say at [43]:
'The experience of growing up in an environment surrounded by alcohol abuse and violence may leave its mark on a person throughout life. Among other things, a background of that kind may compromise the person's capacity to mature and to learn from experience. It is a feature of the person's make-up and remains relevant to the determination of the appropriate sentence, notwithstanding that the person has a long history of offending.'
27. And at [44]:
'An offender's childhood exposure to extreme violence and alcohol abuse may explain the offender's recourse to violence when frustrated such that the offender's moral culpability for the inability to control that impulse may be substantially reduced. However, the inability to control the violent response to frustration may increase the importance of protecting the community from the offender.'
The Court adopted remarks that had been made by Gleeson CJ in this Court in relation to the sentencing an offender with a mental condition: R v Engert (1995) 84 A Crim R 67 at 68."
63In helpful written submissions both the Prosecutor and Mr Wilson SC provided similar summaries of the effect of the High Court's decision in Bugmy v The Queen and Munda v Western Australia.
64I accept that the offender's personal history of social deprivation and early exposure to alcohol and violence explains to a significant degree his criminal history and the unfortunate path that his life has taken. The public, fully apprised of the circumstances, would understand that he is not an ideal vehicle through whom to send messages of general deterrence. In Munda v Western Australia the majority said at [55]:
"It may be argued that general deterrence has little rational claim upon the sentencing discretion in relation to crimes which are not premeditated. That argument has special force where prolonged and widespread social disadvantage has produced communities so demoralised or alienated that it is unreasonable to expect the conduct of individuals within those communities to be controlled by rational calculation of the consequences of misconduct. In such cases it may be said that heavy sentences are likely to be of little utility in reducing the general incidence of crimes, especially crimes of passion."
65In making those remarks I record that I am conscious of, and have applied, the provision in s 21A(5AA) of the Crimes (Sentencing Procedure) Act. I have not taken into account Mr Hines' self-induced intoxication as a mitigating feature. However, his history of deprivation and exposure to alcohol and violence are so intrinsically connected to his current predicament that his moral culpability is diminished. These matters are relevant to a proper assessment of an appropriate and just sentence in accordance with what has fallen from the High Court in both Bugmy v The Queen and Munda v Western Australia.
66On the other hand, the offender has now murdered two members of his own community, who no doubt lived similar lives of social deprivation, alienation and dysfunction. The case is one where both general and personal deterrence remain relevant in assessing the appropriate and just sentence for the terrible crime that he has committed. More importantly, sentencing is about more than sending messages. The state has a "long-standing obligation to vindicate the dignity of each victim of violence, to express the community's disapproval of that offending, and to afford such protection as can be afforded by the state to the vulnerable against repetition of violence. Further, one of the historical functions of the criminal law has been to discourage victims and their friends and families from resorting to self-help, and the consequent escalation of violent vendettas between members of the community": Munda v Western Australia at [55].