Connection to Country
22 Indigenous people of the Mid West, roughly, those of the Murchison and Gascoyne districts, use the term 'Yamatji', which means 'person', to describe themselves and recognise that they share some aspects of culture and law in common. Thus, Wajarri Yamatji translates to Wajarri person/people.
23 The Wajarri Yamatji form part of an overarching Wajarri society, which also encompasses those Nharnuwangga Wajarri persons whose native title rights and interests were recognised in Clarrie Smith v State of Western Australia [2000] FCA 1249.
24 The Wajarri language was spoken over a considerable area encompassing the upper Murchison and Gascoyne River catchments and associated tributaries such as the Lyons and Sanford Rivers. There were dialectical variations within the Wajarri language that lent sub-identities to different regions within Wajarri country, for example, the Nharnuwangga, Ngoonooru and western Wajarri (comprising the now-termed Pia and Burringurrah Wajarri communities) recognised minor dialectical differences. However, they all identify as Wajarri people linguistically and culturally and in this regard, the locus of both society and of law and custom rests with the encompassing Wajarri ethnic/linguistic polity.
25 Wajarri Yamatji traditional laws and customs connect the Wajarri Yamatji to their country. The Wajarri Yamatji believe that the ancestral beings created the features of the landscape and laid down the laws and customs when the world was soft.
26 While the Wajarri Yamatji attracted the attention of early ethnographers, it is not possible to be definitive about the nature and content of the normative body of laws and customs under which rights and interests in land were held at sovereignty. It is likely that they comprised local family groups whose territories (or "runs") were associated with a series of sites and waterholes (bimarra). These ritually and mythologically important sites were the focus of cultural activity including the transmission of knowledge from one generation to the next.
27 The term bimarra refers both to the waterhole which is the abode of the spirit snake, gudgida, or to the snake itself, which is an avatar of the mythical Rainbow Serpent. The bimarra is the focus for Wajarri connection to country, spirituality of landscape, and knowledge and use of country. Most bimarra are year-round water holes and most, but not all, are found near the Murchison River and attendant large rivers such as the Sanford and Thomas.
28 Each family has its own known bimarra which it takes care of and these bimarra collectively constitute what could be called a modern-day family "estate" within Wajarri society. The bimarra themselves are still focal points for the spirits of the 'old people' or mundungu - deceased Wajarri whose animating spirits inhabit the landscape. They maintain an interest in the life of their living relatives and can affect the lives of those living persons for good or ill.
29 The gudgida, the snake who occupies the bimarra, may be openly aggressive to outsiders and in this respect the water-snake serves to police the area from unauthorised intrusion by outsiders. One practice observed by the Wajarri Yamatji is throwing a handful of sand into a bimarra as a way of letting the gudgida know that you belong there, that you are a person who belongs to that country, or that you are accompanying such a person to the vicinity of the bimarra.
30 Different Wajarri families are recognised as having "runs" over specific areas within Wajarri country and are accorded authority and decision-making rights over those areas within the context of overall Wajarri decision-making. The association of families with specific runs is underlined by the relation that such families have with the mundungu, which are their forebears who still inhabit the area and police proper behaviour on country. Mabarn men, men possessing certain sorcery-like and healing skills, have a role in controlling and achieving a relationship with the mundungu.
31 Wajarri Yamatji refer to such spirits of deceased forebears as 'old people' and recognise that they have a role to play in protecting the country from misuse, profanation or trespass from non-Wajarri who have not acquired suitable permissions. Artefacts left behind by previous Wajarri forebears such as stone fragments, grinding stones, and other evidence of previous occupation must not be tampered with or disarranged; the remains of previous sites of habitation must be kept intact as a sign of respect to the 'old people'.
32 The gudgida of Wajarri bimarra, who know the identity of the custodians of the water hole they inhabit, the mundungu, and mabarn men are the main entities which enforce legitimate ownership of and identity of country, and police proper social behaviour (in general) and proper conduct on country (in particular).
33 The local family group had subsistence rights in respect of the territory comprising that family's run. While the local family groups may have been discrete in terms of their membership, their respective territories were not. There was a degree of overlap. A number of sites and waterholes were known throughout the region.
34 Today, rights in Wajarri Yamatji country are still localised, but within the proposed determination area decision-making occurs at a sub group level, which sub groups are themselves comprised of a number of 'station groups'. Authority within the Wajarri society is dependent upon having first-hand knowledge of, and experience of, the country to which one is entitled by birth.
35 Real authority within the Wajarri society, that is, the power to exert authority over decision-making within the society, however, is dependent upon having first-hand knowledge of and experience of the country to which one is entitled by birth. Further, having acquired a birth-mark totem (gadaru) links one to specific events surrounding one's conception and/or birth on country.
36 The family group is the basic landowning unit, and rights are passed on through serial filiation. As a result of this, generations of the same family have become firmly established in certain areas which, post-Sovereignty, have become affiliated with pastoral stations. Wajarri people are able to describe the traditional country of different families in terms of station names. Wajarri people are united in their recognition of laws and customs that recognise each family group's association with a traditional 'run'.
37 The notion of 'looking after' is central to the responsibilities Wajarri people feel towards their country, in their custodial roles. As custodians of specific sites, Wajarri people have an obligation to ensure that the area is protected and maintained. In looking after a site they are respecting their own country, but also fulfilling their responsibilities to other Wajarri sub-groups and certain other non-Wajarri Aboriginal people. The most important task of a custodian is to maintain frequent physical connection with a site and to ensure that it is not being abused or profaned.
38 Custodians are the keepers of the stories and songs which are associated with the sites they are responsible for. Custodial roles are generally not passed down at the communal level, but to individuals. These roles and their concomitant responsibilities are inherited according to certain cultural rules, such as being 'trained up' by the old people, and demonstrating the necessary attitudes and qualifications to hold such knowledge.
39 Wajarri Yamatji refer to their traditional lands as their "country" or barna. Wajarri barna is believed to have retained an active spiritual potency despite the many social and economic upheavals that resulted from non-Aboriginal colonisation of the area. The spirits of deceased Wajarri enforce correct behaviour on country and protect against trespass of inappropriate people on specific sites of importance.
40 Wajarri maintain care of the mythical tracks that traverse Wajarri country, which also connect with mythical narratives in other people's countries, and of places of special ceremonial import to the entire region such as Wilgie Mia and Walga Rock (Walganha).
41 For most of the 20th century, Wajarri Yamatji continued to subsist in traditional ways and look after their country while they were engaged full-time as labour force on the pastoral stations. They have passed this knowledge on to their family members over successive generations.
42 As is typical elsewhere, the emergence of the station groups through the pastoral era has involved something of a structural shift in the composition of the land holding groups (i.e. from patrilineal to cognatic descent). However, these changes do not represent an interruption in the acknowledgement and observance of traditional laws and customs. To the extent that they represent a change or adaptation of the laws and customs which were acknowledged and observed by the claimants' ancestors, the parties agree that change or adaptation is not of such a kind that the rights or interests now asserted by the Wajarri Yamatji are no longer held under traditional laws and customs.
43 The Wajarri Yamatji are a society in that they are united in the observance of law and custom and recognise that such law and custom has normative force, backed up by the threat of sanctions. These sanctions in the past included spiritually-induced sickness or misfortune, banishment from Wajarri country (usually not on a permanent basis), and physical punishment, mainly beating with sticks or spearing. Nowadays, spiritual agents are the main form of retribution for wrong action.
44 Despite the general departure of Wajarri families starting in the 1960s from pastoral properties that they had been attached to since settlement, they and their descendants have still maintained regular contact with their country from today's centres of Wajarri residence - Geraldton, Mullewa, Yalgoo, Cue, Mt. Magnet, Meekatharra, Carnarvon and Wiluna, where the overwhelming majority of Wajarri live today. Some still make their living full-time on country, and men and women camp, hunt and gather, visit burial sites, and look after waterholes and other sites, on their traditional family countries on a regular basis. They take their children with them and pass on information about inter alia ownership of country, food-gathering techniques, and care of important sites.
45 The connection materials reveal that the Wajarri Yamatji Part B Determination Area is replete with culturally important sites for which the Wajarri Yamatji are responsible.
46 The Weld Range is mythologically and culturally significant. It is also known for the ochre mines at Wilgie Mia (Thuwarri Thaa) and Little Wilgie Mia, which are within the Wajarri Yamatji Part B Determination Area. Wilgie Mia is a traditional ochre mine that is renowned throughout Australia. It is described as "the largest and deepest underground Aboriginal ochre mine in Australia" and was added to the National Heritage List on 24 February 2011.
47 Wilgie Mia is a place of special ceremonial importance to the entire region. One story about Wilgie Mia is:
A marlu (red kangaroo) from Kalbarri was speared over towards the coast. Northampton mob speared the red kangaroo, he travelled along, travelled east, following the hills east and went to Barluwidi out near Twin Peaks, then on to Junyidi just out from Meka Station. Then the marlu went on to Mount Aubury; then through to the Weld Range, yellow ochre site, Little Wilgie Mia, and at Wilgie Mia (Thuwarri Thaa) that's his blood. It stopped there at Wilgie Mia and that is its blood, his marlu yalgu (red kangaroo's blood) - the red ochre. The Dreaming keeps going along the Weld Ranges, through to Wiluna and Warakurna. The story connects Yamatji people throughout the region.
48 In Robin Boddington & Ors (Wajarri)/Western Australia/Bacome Pty Ltd, [2003] NNTTA 62 (9 April 2003) at [30], the National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT) cited the following evidence of the significance of Wilgie Mia:
There is a dreaming story about the Weld Range, this story is about the malu, red kangaroo who came from the coast and all the way to the Weld Ranges. The ochre that you find at Wilgie Mia is the blood from the kangaroo…
Wilgie Mia and the Weld Ranges are some of the most important sites for Wajarri people. Wilgie Mia is important not just to Wajarris but to Aboriginal people all around the state, to Wanmalas in the desert and Marlbas in the Pilbara. It is one of the most important areas in Wajarri country and the stories and the ochre from the Weld Ranges go all the way out to the Western Desert.
49 Under Wajarri Yamatji traditional laws and customs, the Wajarri Yamatji Part B Determination Area is, and has been since prior to sovereignty, the traditional country of the Wajarri Yamatji. The current Wajarri Yamatji can trace their lineage to a Wajarri Yamatji ancestor. Membership of the Wajarri Yamatji requires descent from such a Wajarri Yamatji ancestor (either by birth or adoption in accordance with traditional laws and customs), self-identification as a Wajarri Yamatji and acceptance by other members of the Wajarri Yamatji in accordance with traditional laws and customs.
50 In relation to the 'Exclusive Areas' as that term is defined in the Minute, the connection materials also reveal that the Wajarri Yamatji possess rights and interests under traditional laws and customs that may be recognised as the right to possession, occupation, use and enjoyment on to the exclusion of all others in relation to those areas. The requirements of ss 47, 47A and 47B (as the case may be) are also satisfied in relation to the areas set out in paragraph 1 of Sch Four of the Minute, with the result that the right to possession, occupation, use and enjoyment on to the exclusion of all others can be recognised in relation to those areas.