THE BARADA KABALBARA YETIMARALA PEOPLE
6 The BKY People are described in Schedule 1 of the draft determinations. They are descendants (including through raising up) of one or more of the following people:
(a) Barada woman (spouse of Johnny and Charlie Budby), who her descendants refer to as Kitty;
(b) Lucy and/or Jimmy Barber;
(c) Kitty (aka Kitty Eaglehawk);
(d) Yatton Boney;
(e) Maggie (mother of Jack Mack and Gypsy Tyson); and
(f) King Boco.
7 While a Court in giving effect to a proposed consent determination under s 87A of the NTA need not undertake an assessment of the matters set out in s 223, it is important to say something about the BKY People and their country, considering the effect of a consent determination as creating "a permanent record of the judicial recognition of their native title rights and interests": McKellar on behalf of the Wongkumara People v State of Queensland [2024] FCA 699 at [17] (Murphy J).
8 The BKY People's traditional laws and customs are derived from the wider regional society, known as the Birri Gubba (BG) society, from before sovereignty. The localised area attributed to the BKY People began from the confluence at the Fitzroy and the Mackenzie Rivers in the south, ran along the Broadsound Range to the north, including Apis Creek, Tooloombah and Lotus Creek, and stretched north-westerly to include the Isaac River and Clive Station, and west toward Cotherstone Station.
9 The BKY People held beliefs in the spiritual character of the land, which beliefs existed before effective sovereignty. Dr Alison Pembroke, in her report 'Barada Kabalbara Yetimarala People: Supplementary Connection Report", filed on 7 February 2020, explores these beliefs as deriving from the broader BG society (at 200-201):
[The BKY People] share a number of spiritual beliefs in beings said to inhabit the landscape and govern behaviour; they share a belief sorcery that traces back to the pre-sovereign society; they engage in traditional subsistence activities; they continue to acknowledge and observe a number of traditional food taboos; they bestow upon their children names relating to kin and country (including name repetition); they subscribe to a system of traditional kinship classification; they acknowledge the authority of the group's elders, particular in dispute resolution and decision-making.
10 After effective sovereignty, and consistent with the impacts of colonisation, life for Aboriginal families - including those of the BKY People - became challenging. Extreme violence from white settlers moving into the region, government restrictions on Aboriginal people, including their removal to government-run missions, and disease denote the oppressive circumstances under which Aboriginal people lived. There were, however, Aboriginal families of the BKY People that remained on country, working and living on pastoral stations such as Croydon Station and Yatton Station. Dr Lee Sackett, in his report, "Barada Kabalbara Yetimarala Native Title Claim: Anthropologist's Report", filed on 5 June 2018, described how the enduring presence of the BKY People living on country maintained a connection to the land (at 30-31):
[W]hile physical connection with the claim area diminished across time, claimants nonetheless regarded themselves as vitally linked to it. It was where their ancestors, and by extension they themselves, were from. Such connection was, at least as some claimants saw it, enduring and unseverable. The connection was made real by claimants' beliefs regarding the spirits of their ancestors occupying and maintaining the claim area …. That is, claimants' own connections for the most part were centred on and through descent from ancestors who had had direct physical connections with country. In my view, these cultural/spiritual connections came across very much as continuous, generation-to-generation associations.
(Emphasis added.)
11 The contemporary BKY People are determined by their descent from apical ancestors, born around or before sovereignty, and recognise cognatic descent as the primary means by which rights to country are acquired.
12 Based on the information provided, I observe that the submissions before the Court provide that the Connection Material establishes:
(a) that the BKY People are a localised land-holding group within the BG regional society, which society is comprised of tribal groups, including Wiri, Yuwibara, Barada, Gia, Ngaro, Juru, Bindal, Birri, and Jangga. The society is united by its shared language and practice of traditional laws and customs, including systems of recruitment to land-owning groups and land tenure, regional and section divisions, totemism, marriage, kinship, knowledge and authority, naming practices, cultural protocols, mythology and permission;
(b) that the contemporary BKY People are local descendants of the southern localised Barada tribal group, which group recognises certain families as continuing to have the collective rights to speak for country. The contemporary BKY People are determined by their descent from their apical ancestors born at or around sovereignty, who are associated with areas on or near the lands and waters identified in the draft determinations;
(c) that despite their membership within the BG society, the land rights held by the BKY People are characterised as those of a 'core rights holding territorial group', which group can grant permission to those seeking to access and exploit their territory. The association of land rights to tribal groups within the BG society was determined by their local association to land and waters, and the BKY People (as the local subgroup) are the people with the landed rights and interests for the Determination Area;
(d) that land rights within the BG society were gained through patrifiliation, male initiation, matrimonies, matri-totems and a four section system. Prior to sovereignty, the BKY People primarily gained rights to the Determination Area through patrilineal descent, but that means of transmission has gradually shifted to recognise rights by cognatic descent in modern times;
(e) that filiation is the means by which the BKY People acquire rights and interests to land and knowledge of country.
(f) that the connection of the BKY People to their country is informed by their spiritual connection to the lands and waters, which is passed down by generations through oral histories, and comprises the group's mythology and identity. Elders of the BKY People continue to teach spiritual and physical attributes of their country, which speaks to features of the environment or other important spiritual sites on country. This includes: creation stories about the water on country, from sites such as Broadsound Ranges, Mount Archer, Rockhampton, Mount Morgan and Gogango Ranges; and telling stories about places on country to avoid due to the presence of angry spirits, such as the Yunji;
(g) notwithstanding the significant impacts of colonisation, the common identity of the BKY People and their connection to country has been maintained, with observance and practice of their traditional laws and customs still occurring today. Examples of this continuity include: retention of language; ongoing beliefs of ancestors' occupation of the Determination Area; maintenance of the Determination Area; filiation as the mechanism for passing local mythology between generations and the transmission of spiritual knowledge by Elders; and the families of BKY People who remained on country continuing to work and live on pastoral stations, sustaining the group's connection to country;
(h) the BKY People continue to practise behaviours associated with spiritual and totemic beliefs, which are an important symbol of group identity and uniting people to their traditional lands. This includes: the ongoing ancestral ceremonial use of fire for cultural purposes, which continues in modern times, being regularly used in smoking ceremonies on country; the significance of corrobboree at Mt Bora, particularly as a male-only site of spiritual importance; cautions to avoid spiritually dangerous places such as Bluchers Lagoon without Elders; and Dreamtime stories about the totemic significance of wild animals, such as turtles;
(i) that, further, in relation to traditional land and waters, the BKY People continue to exercise various other rights in and over the Determination Area, including rights to: access, be present on, move about on and travel over the area; camp on the area and for that purpose, erect temporary shelters on the area; take natural resources from the land and waters of the area for any purpose; use natural resources of the land and waters of the area that are not taken, for any purpose; take the water of the area for personal, domestic and non-commercial communal purposes; bury native title holders within the area; maintain places of importance and areas of significance and protect those places and areas from physical harm; teach on the area the physical and spiritual attributes of the area; the right to hold meetings on the area; and light fires on the area for cultural, spiritual or domestic purposes, including cooking, but not for the purposes of hunting or clear vegetation;
(j) that the exercise of those various rights reflects the BKY People's occupation of the Determination Area, exploitation of natural resources, management of country and continuing connection to the land and waters within the Determination Area. By those rights, the group holds the right to possess, occupy, use, and enjoy the Determination Area to the exclusion of all others by their traditional laws and customs.