2.5 The Tribunal's decision
32 The appellants attended a hearing before the Tribunal on 8 October 2015 with their registered migration agent and were assisted by an interpreter in the Farsi and English languages.
33 By a decision dated 6 November 2015, the Tribunal affirmed the decision not to grant the appellants' protection visas. The Tribunal's reasons may relevantly be summarised as follows.
34 The Tribunal explained that it had before it the Departmental File relating to the appellants and had had regard to the material referred to the delegate's decision and other material available to it from a range of sources (Tribunal's reasons at [21]). The Tribunal's reasons record that it asked the appellants to describe what happened in the 2013 incident and records their evidence relevantly as follows:
29. … [The husband] stated that it was his son's birthday. They were out in a park as a family. Two plain-clothed persons appeared and complained about his wife's hijab. He did not know whether they were military because they were in plain-clothes.
30. The tribunal asked [the husband] to describe what was wrong with his wife's hijab. [The husband] stated that he did not know what the problem was. She was wearing a shawl, manto and pants. Perhaps she was wearing a little more make up and that attracted their attention.
31. The Tribunal asked [the wife] to describe what she was wearing at the time of the incident. [The wife] stated they went out for their son's birthday celebrations. As most women do for special occasions, she had blown dried her hair and wore make up. Two people approached them and said she was wearing a bad hijab.
32. The Tribunal asked [the wife] what she was wearing. [The wife] stated that she was wearing a shirt, jacket which went down to above her knees, leggings and a shawl. The bottom of the jacket was open. She was not wearing what she wore on normal days.
32. The Tribunal asked [the husband] whether he agreed with [his wife's] description of what she was wearing. [The husband] stated that he did.
34. The Tribunal put to [the husband] that it understood that his wife's head was covered, but that she was wearing make up. [The husband] stated that she was wearing a shawl in the way women in Iran wear it. Perhaps not all of her hair was covered, and the corner of the shawl was around her shoulder.
35. The Tribunal asked [the husband] to continue his account of what happened. [The husband] stated that the 2 men approached them and used very bad language to his wife. They asked why she was wearing make up, why she was wearing these things. He told them it was not their business. He pushed them. They hit him on the face and back, and he fell to the ground. He did not see much while he was on the ground, as they continued to hit him.…
35 The reasons also record that the husband also said that after this incident, he stayed in Iran for three months and that they "mostly stayed at home" and did not go out. He further said that he went to work using a hidden way and would do shopping on the way home from work (Tribunal reasons at [38]-[39]). The wife agreed with her husband's testimony.
36 Relevantly, the Tribunal asked the wife whether she had failed to comply with the dress code previously, to which she replied that "this was the first time. She had not encountered those people before, and had no previous experience. She had heard from friends and neighbours that this had happened to them. She had difficulty believing it until it happened to her": Tribunal reasons at [54]. (I note that there is an ambiguity about this answer as to whether the statement that "this was the first time" should be read in light of the question to mean that this was the first time that she had not complied, or in light of the remainder of the answer that she had never encountered problems before because of non-compliance. Such matters are for the Tribunal absent any proven error in the interpretation.)
37 Next, the Tribunal considered the independent country information. Among other things, the Tribunal referred to country information to the following effect:
70. … Since 2009 the regime has used the terms "soft war" or "velvet revolution" to categorise what it sees as a battle against foreign cultural influence. This is exemplified by bans on western style clothing and haircuts, satellite television and loud music. Saied Golkar writing for The Journal of the Middle East and Africa, states that the Islamic moral law or code of behaviour is very broad and:
includes, but is not limited to, enforcing religious modesty; ensuring the proper wearing of the hijab for women and checking male-female fraternization; prohibiting women from listening to Western music or wearing make up, colorful scarves, and tight clothing; censuring men who sport Western hairstyles and women who wear loose-fitting scarves or shortened trousers; collecting and destroying satellite dishes; and clamping down on parties, social corruption, and so on.
38 The Tribunal also referred to country information about the Basij, explaining that it is a volunteer paramilitary militia which operates under, and serves to augment, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps or IRGC (Pasdaran-e Enghlab-e Eslami) (Tribunal reasons at [71]). It described the Basij as highly diverse in structure and function, ranging from relatively untrained and disorganised neighbourhood watch groups to fully trained combat brigades, and while it has a physical presence in almost every part of Iranian society, sources indicate that only specific units (described as Nasahin or Amr be Maruf units) are responsible for day-to-day moral policing (Tribunal reasons at [71]-[72]). It also found that while Nasahin teams wear uniforms and drive marked vehicles, there are also undercover members of these teams, and that they "carry out their duties through vehicle and foot patrols and checkpoints, generally set up in crowded streets or squares, on the lookout for infractions such as improper hijab or fraternising with the opposite sex" (Tribunal reasons at [73]) (emphasis added). It found that the Basij, along with the police and Revolutionary Guards, have the power to make arrests.
39 The Tribunal then turned to the critical part of its reasoning.
40 First, despite acknowledging that the husband and wife had given reasonably consistent accounts of the altercation in their written statements, the interview before the delegate, and the hearing before the Tribunal, the Tribunal considered their account to be implausible and did not accept that the fight took place in the way described "by the applicant [sic], or at all" (Tribunal reasons at [86]). In particular, the Tribunal considered that it was implausible that "when approached by 2 men in a park and asked questions about [the wife's] hijab, [the husband's] response would have been to push them", given that this was inconsistent with the climate of fear in Iran painted by the applicants in their evidence at the hearing (Tribunal reasons at [83]). I pause to note that, while the point was not argued, neither of the appellants claimed that the husband had merely been asked questions but rather that the husband had pushed the two men because of the rudeness of their comments to his wife. I also note that the claims were not only that the rude comments related to the wife wearing "bad hijab" but also to her wearing make-up. These indicate a failure by the Tribunal at this critical part of its reasons to appreciate the precise claims made by the appellants.
41 The Tribunal also found it implausible that other members of the public would have intervened "when members of the Basij were attacking [the husband]" as the fact that the men had walkie-talkies "on their belts" would have been apparent to other members of the public and cause them to exercise caution. While again the point was not taken on appeal, I note with concern that the Tribunal overlooks the husband's claim that the walkie talkies were being worn "underneath their clothes" (as quoted above at [16]) and therefore misstated this aspect of his claims in assessing the credibility of the appellants' claims. The Tribunal also considered it was implausible that the Basij would not have identified themselves when faced with being overpowered by members of the public and that they would not have arrested the husband for pushing them (Tribunal reasons at [84]-[85]). The Tribunal also said that it had considered the possibility that other members of the Iranian security apparatus operating undercover may have been involved rather than the Basij but considered that its reasoning was equally applicable in those circumstances (Tribunal reasons at [86]).
42 The Tribunal concluded that the appellants would not be of interest to the Basij or other members of the Iranian security apparatus as a result of the claimed incident in January 2013, as it had found that this incident did not occur (Tribunal reasons at [87]). That being so, the Tribunal also rejected the wife's contention that she failed to comply with the dress code on that occasion as claimed, reasoning that:
88. …. In the Tribunal's view, this claim is inextricably linked with the applicants' claims of the fight which followed, such that if the Tribunal rejects the claims of the fight it must also reject the claimed basis of the provocation which led to the fight. This finding is supported by the uncertainty in [the husband's] evidence as to how his wife had contravened the dress code. Even [the wife's] account of what she was … wearing - a shawl, manto/long jacket, pants/leggings - indicates that she had complied [with the] dress code in aspects other than possibly wearing too much make up and not entirely covering her hair. She also stated that this was not what she normally wore.
43 Crucially, the Tribunal then turned to address the question of whether or not the wife would comply with the dress code if returned to Iran:
89. The Tribunal finds that [the wife] has complied with the dress code in the past. [The wife] gave evidence that she had not been questioned about compliance with the dress code prior to the occasion claimed. As set out in the preceding paragraph, the Tribunal has not accepted that [the wife] failed to comply with the dress code on the occasion claimed. [The wife's] evidence indicated that she normally complied with the dress code. The Tribunal has not located any country information to indicate that women in Iran are required to wear a chador. Having found that [the wife] has complied with the dress code in the past, the Tribunal considers that she would continue to comply with it if she returned to Iran. The Tribunal finds that the risk of [the wife] attracting the adverse attention of the Iranian authorities for not complying with the dress code in the reasonably foreseeable future is remote. It follows that the Tribunal does not accept that [the wife] has a well-founded fear of persecution on the basis that she is a member of the particular social groups, "women in Iran" or "women who don't abide by strict Islamic dress codes", if she returns to Iran, now or in the reasonably foreseeable future.
44 The Tribunal, after considering the remaining claims, concluded that it was not satisfied that the appellants met the criteria for a protection visa in either subs 36(2)(a) or (2)(aa) of the Act.