Consideration
27 In cases such as the present, a person in Mr Webster's position cannot always be expected to be able to have available, readily or perhaps at all, the same genealogical or societal evidence as is ordinarily deployed in cases under the Native Title Act. Experience has shown that those cases frequently require anthropological and genealogical research that expert anthropologists and representative bodies undertake with many persons over an extended period at very considerable cost. A person in prison or immigration detention must comply with prescribed time limits under the Migration Act in which to provide the Minister (or a delegate) with a response to a requirement to provide information or submissions such as under s 501CA(4). Ordinarily, he or she will not have the resources to assemble material to establish his or her status as an Aboriginal Australian with the degree of substantial detail in respect of anthropological or genealogical issues that is necessary to establish a native title claim, unless those issues already have been dealt with in such a claim. As Gordon J said in Love 94 ALJR at 270 [368]:
As was recognised in Mabo [No 2] [ (1992) 175 CLR 1 at 51-52, 62, 70], biological descent, self-identification and recognition may raise contests which may have to be settled by community consensus or in some other manner prescribed by custom, or by a court acting on evidence which lacks specificity. And they have been [See, eg, Yorta Yorta (2002) 214 CLR 422; Griffiths (2019) 93 ALJR 327; 364 ALR 208. For difficulties with identifying members of claim groups, see, eg, Davidson v Fesl [2005] FCAFC 183; Aplin on behalf of the Waanyi Peoples v Queensland [2010] FCA 625 at [226]-[267]; Violet Carr and Others on Behalf of the Wellington Valley Wiradjuri People v Premier of New South Wales [2013] FCA 200; Weribone on behalf of the Mandandanji People v Queensland [2013] FCA 255; Banjima People v Western Australia [No 2] (2013) 305 ALR 1]. But the fact that such contests have arisen does not and cannot detract from the fact that the legal concept of Aboriginality, at its core, recognises that there is a unique group of Australians, Aboriginal Australians, who are descendants of the original inhabitants of this country and who identify as such and are accepted as such. It is not necessary, in this case, to chart the outer limits of the concept [The Tasmanian Dam Case (1983) 158 CLR 1 at 274].
(emphasis added)
28 Ellen Richards appears to have been the last known Wathaurong person at the time of her death in 1921. Thus, it would be difficult, in 2020, to assemble evidence about the Wathaurong people and any connection that Walter Richards might have had with them. That is because the last accepted knowledgeable member of that group died almost a century ago.
29 I have taken those difficulties of proof into account in evaluating the evidence in accordance with s 140 of the Evidence Act 1995 (Cth) and having regard to Lord Mansfield CJ's well-known dictum in Blatch v Archer (1774) 1 Cowp 63 at 65 [98 ER 969 at 970] that "all evidence is to be weighed according to the proof which it was in the power of one side to have produced, and in the power of the other to have contradicted": see too Plaintiff M47/2018 v Minister for Home Affairs (2019) 265 CLR 285 at 300 [40] per Kiefel CJ, Keane, Nettle and Edelman JJ.
30 I am of opinion that it is not reasonably open to infer that Walter Richards was related to Dick and/or Ellen Richards. First, there is no information about the family genealogical structures of Walter, Dick or Ellen Richards. Secondly, the mere contemporaneous presence, in a not unsubstantial area of Victoria, of persons with a commonly found surname, such as Richards, is not indicative, by itself, of a familial relationship between them or of their genealogical or other heritage. Thirdly, while possible, in the absence of other evidence, it is not easy to draw an inference of a familial relationship between Ellen and Walter Richards merely because she was a Wathaurong person, and Walter Richards also identified as one.
31 The photograph of Walter Richards appears to depict him as having a noticeably darker skin colour on both his face and hands than the much fairer colour of the little child and woman. That raises the difficultly that Cox CJ observed In the matter of The Aboriginal Lands Act 1995 and Marianne Watson (No 2) [2001] TASSC 105 at [13], namely, that darkness of pigmentation "is common to the descendants of many different races and, is not, on its own, indicative of Aboriginal descent". And, as Drummond J said in Gibbs v Capewell (1995) 54 FCR 503 at 512A-B "a person's external appearance may be deceptive of his or her racial origins".
32 Mr Webster has not led any evidence of communal recognition (outside his and his sister's families) of Walter Richards that might support an inference that he was a Wathaurong man. That is probably because Ellen Richards was the last recorded Wathaurong person and thus, subsequently, there has been no relevant Wathaurong community to recognise or reject Walter as one of its members: cf Gibbs 54 FCR at 512D.
33 In essence, Mr Webster's evidence as to the biological descent of his grandfather, Walter Richards, from members of the Wathaurong people depends on his family's assertion of that fact. His lineage cannot be connected to Dick or Ellen Richards by any direct evidence.
34 Significantly, the unchallenged fact that Mr Webster's immediate family has a bona fide recollection of the family history of Walter Richards being a Wathaurong man tends to suggest that he was its original source.
35 In Western Australia v Ward (2002) 213 CLR 1 at 64 [14], Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ said:
As is now well recognised, the connection which Aboriginal peoples have with "country" is essentially spiritual. In Milirrpum v Nabalco Pty Ltd [(1971) 17 FLR 141 at 167], Blackburn J said that: "the fundamental truth about the aboriginals' relationship to the land is that whatever else it is, it is a religious relationship … There is an unquestioned scheme of things in which the spirit ancestors, the people of the clan, particular land and everything that exists on and in it, are organic parts of one indissoluble whole". It is a relationship which sometimes is spoken of as having to care for, and being able to "speak for", country.
(emphasis added)
36 It is unlikely that a non-Aboriginal in early 20th century Australia would assert a particular indigenous identity that the person did not believe he or she had. Moreover, given the significance of the spiritual connection of Australian Aboriginal peoples to the land and waters of their country and their awareness of the spiritual (and, in early times, physical) dangers of entering another group's or people's land or waters without permission, it is unlikely that Walter Richards would have made a claim to identify with country with which he did not have a genuine spiritual connection: see eg Griffiths v Northern Territory (2007) 165 FCR 391 at 428-429 [127] per French, Branson and Sundberg JJ.
37 The Minister accepted that Mr Webster believed that his great grandfather was who he said he was, namely, a Wathaurong man. Regardless of whether Walter was related to Ellen or Dick Richards, it is difficult to see why Walter Richards or his daughter Lynda (Mr Webster's grandmother) could have had any interest or reason, especially after she moved to New Zealand, to fabricate his or her own family history. Moreover, that history is consistent with where Walter and Lynda were born.
38 Both Rokewood Junction (where Walter Richards were born), Berringa (where Lynda Richards was born or her birth registered) and Ballarat, were all in Wathaurong country. It is well known that as white settlement proceeded in Australia, it caused significant displacement of the indigenous populations, as the extract from "Scars in the Landscape" confirmed. Thus, it is reasonably possible that Walter Richards was a Wathaurong man, as his family history recounts. He and Lynda were born and lived in an area (before relocating to Coranderrk) that was Wathaurong country. Walter Richards' assertions of his indigenous heritage were made at a time and in circumstances where there is no reason to think that they were inaccurate or uninformed by knowledge of other surviving Wathaurong people, which is the inference I draw: cf Yorta Yorta [1998] FCA 1606 at [52]; Blatch 1 Cowp at 65 and see too Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria (2002) 214 CLR 422 at 454 [80] per Gleeson CJ, Gummow and Hayne JJ.
39 While, at first glance it might seem unusual to make such a finding on the basis of what necessarily must be a story passed orally down in a family over 100 years, that is the very process of establishing substantive elements of a native title claim group's traditional laws and customs. A society that has no written tradition, such as all Aboriginal Australian societies are, can only pass its essential features from generation to generation by word of mouth. Societies that do not have the written word to record their laws, customs or history, depend on traditions of orality. As Gleeson CJ, Gummow and Hayne JJ recognised in Yorta Yorta 214 CLR at 454 [80], the proof of traditional laws and customs in existence at a time earlier than described in the evidence is capable of being inferred from more recent evidence. Here, on the evidence before me, Walter Richards was born about 30 years after white settlement disturbed the traditional people's way of life in Wathaurong country. His family oral history is that he identified to them as a Wathaurong man and he was born and lived in Wathaurong country for over 30 years.
40 I am satisfied that Mr Webster has biological descent from a Wathaurong man, his great grandfather, and accordingly he has met the first limb of the tripartite test.