Whether Tribunal in error of law in incorrectly interpreting "non-political crime"
24 When the issue of whether the applicant's serious crime (as found by the Tribunal) was a "non-political crime" within the meaning of par (b) or Art 1F of the Refugees Convention came before the Tribunal, the Tribunal relied upon the decision of the Full Court in Singh v Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs (2000) 102 FCR 51. On 7 March 2002, that is after the first hearing in this present application, the High Court of Australia dismissed an appeal against the decision of the Full Court: Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs v Singh.
25 In relying on the reasons of the Full Court in Singh for the purpose of its understanding of the concept of "non-political crime", the Tribunal relied on the passage in the reasoning of the Full Court at 59 to the following effect:
"The Convention concept of a 'non-political crime' is a vexed and difficult one. It is clear at least that, although political motivation is essential to deprive a crime of non-political character, it is not always sufficient. Professor Goodwin-Gill (The Refugee in International Law (2nd ed, 1996)) summarises the considerations at pp 105, 106 as follows:
'The nature and purpose of the offence require examination, including whether it was committed out of genuine political motives or merely for personal reasons or gain, whether it was directed towards a modification of the political organisation or the very structure of the State, and whether there is a close and direct causal link between the crime committed and its alleged political purpose and object. The political element should in principle outweigh the common law character of the offence, which may not be the case if the acts committed are grossly disproportionate to the objective, or are of an atrocious or barbarous nature.'
That passage is substantially to the same effect as par 152 of the UNHCR Handbook. It does not suggest, we think, that a crime is political only if the motivation of the criminal is pure, in the sense that it is exclusively political. On the other hand, the crime must be directly linked to the political object. Equally, there are some crimes which, whatever their motivation and whatever their link with a political objective, will be regarded as non-political. The suggestion is that a balancing exercise is to be undertaken: a crime may be non-political if it is grossly disproportionate to the alleged political objective or if it is 'atrocious'."
26 The Tribunal pointed out that the Full Court had earlier (at 57) quoted a passage from the speech of Lord Lloyd of Berwick (agreed in by Lord Keith of Kinkel and Lord Browne-Wilkinson) in T v Secretary of State for Home Department [1996] AC 742 at 786 - 787 where he said:
"A crime is a political crime for the purposes of Article 1F(b) of the Geneva Convention if, and only if (1) it is committed for a political purpose, that is to say, with the object of overthrowing or subverting or changing the government of a state or inducing it to change its policy; and (2) there is a sufficiently close and direct link between the crime and the alleged political purpose. In determining whether such a link exists, the court will bear in mind the means used to achieve the political end, and will have particular regard to whether the crime was aimed at a military or governmental target, on the one hand, or a civilian target on the other, and in either event whether it was likely to involve the indiscriminate killing or injuring of members of the public."
27 The Tribunal also relied on the following passage in the reasoning of the Full Court (at 60):
"In our view, the true principle is that stated by Lord Mustill in T at 764:
'The general proposition, which I believe is binding on this House as a matter of English law, is known in the literature as the 'incidence' theory. The essence of this is that there must be a political struggle either in existence or in contemplation between the government and one or more opposing factions within the state where the offence is committed, and that the commission of the offence is an incidence of this struggle.'
…
All authorities agree that, in addition to 'incidence', there is a further matter to be taken into account in ascertaining whether a particular crime is non-political. It is variously expressed in terms of weighing, proportionality or whether the crime is particularly atrocious. As the speeches in T reveal, all those formulations have their difficulties. But on one point the authorities are unanimous, … It is that a crime will be non-political if it is calculated to cause death or injury indiscriminately to innocent persons not themselves involved in the political struggle. … To seek to achieve political ends by attacking, rather than political or government targets, uninvolved members of the public is to commit a crime which is non-political."
28 In the High Court, members of the Court stated their understanding of the concept of a "non-political crime". Gleeson CJ said (at 398, par [16]):
"when courts have endeavoured to state the principles according to which a decision is to be made as to whether a crime which, by hypothesis, has been committed in another country, in circumstances utterly different from those that prevail in the country of refuge, is political, they have taken pains to confine the concept so as to avoid the consequence that all offences committed with a political motivation fall within it."
He gave as an example the definition proposed by Lord Lloyd in T v Home Secretary. Later (at 400, par [21]) he said that:
"once it was accepted that the concept of a political crime was not limited to offences such as treason, sedition, and espionage, and could extend to what would otherwise be "common" crimes, including unlawful homicide, then it became necessary to find means of avoiding the consequence that any crime could be political if one of the motives for which it was committed was directly or indirectly political."
There was therefore "no bright line between crimes that are political and those that are non-political". However, there must be "a sufficiently close connection between the criminal act and some objective identifiable as political to warrant its characterisation as a political act".
29 Gaudron J (at 405, par [45]) said she would consider "a crime to be political if a significant purpose of the act or acts involved is to alter the practices or policies of those who exercise power or political influence in the country in which the crime is committed." She continued by stating (at 405 - 6, par [46]) that "the true purpose of actions which are unnecessary or disproportionate to the end which is said to justify those actions is unlikely to be the achieving of that end but is likely to be the satisfaction of some other and different purpose".
30 Kirby J (at 427, par [141]) said that "to be "political" [the crime] must, in some appropriately close way, be linked with the purpose of changing the political environment, commonly the government, by the commission of the crime". Kirby J said (at 428, par [141]):
"In deciding whether a crime is "political" or "non-political" it will sometimes be relevant to consider the weapons and means used; whether the "target" of the crime is a public official or a government agent as distinct from unarmed civilians chosen indiscriminately; and whether the crime is proportionate to the political end propounded. If it is excessive and disproportionate, it will be easier to infer that its true character is "non-political", that is, done for the satisfaction of some other and different, possibly entirely personal ("non-political") purpose. It will usually be necessary to examine the alleged objectives of any organisation involved and the applicant's connection, if any, with that organisation; and…"
31 I have set these passages out in order to make evident that they do not appear to me to provide any occasion to think that the concept of "non-political crime" applied by the Tribunal should be considered to have been in any way in error of law. The question then is whether the Tribunal was entitled to conclude that the applicant's crimes were "non-political".
32 The essence of the Tribunal's reasoning, summarised above, lies in the following passage:
"In the Tribunal's opinion the serious crime of illegally importing and distributing trafficable quantities of illicit drugs, of which the applicant was a co-perpetrator from 1992 to 1996, is, of its true nature and character, a non-political crime. That is because such a crime, of its nature, is likely to cause misery, suffering, injury or death indiscriminately to persons, not themselves involved in the relevant political struggle, who ultimately use those drugs: … Furthermore, that crime may be regarded as so atrocious, and also so disproportionate (in terms of its injurious effects on uninvolved civilians) to the X party's political objectives, as not to warrant the description of a "political crime"."
33 In my opinion the Tribunal was entitled to reach this conclusion on the evidence before it and in application of the concept of "non-political crime". I do not accept the submission made by pro bono counsel for the applicant on this particular aspect that the Tribunal erred in law in focussing on the outcomes of the alleged crime rather than the object or purpose for which the alleged crime was committed. It was for the Tribunal to judge on all the evidence before it whether there was "a sufficiently close connection between the criminal act and some objective identifiable as political to warrant its characterisation as a political act": Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs v Singh at 400, par [21] per Gleeson CJ. The Tribunal had in mind that the crimes were such that they were "likely to involve the indiscriminate killing or injuring of members of the public": T v Home Secretary supra per Lord Lloyd of Berwick. It was open to the Tribunal in those circumstances to find that the crimes were "excessive and disproportionate so that their true character was non-political": Minister for Immigration & Multicultural Affairs v Singh at 428, par [141] per Kirby J. The Tribunal accepted that the crimes could be described as an incidence of the political struggle by the X party. However, the Tribunal correctly proceeded on the view that such incidence could not be itself determinative of the issue of characterisation of the crimes.
34 In my opinion the Tribunal was not in error of law when it has reached its conclusion that the applicant's crimes were non-political.