the Petition of Right has generally been taken to deal simply with the recent extensions which martial law had received, and to declare them illegal, leaving martial law only applicable to armies in time of war.
But Cockburn L.C.J. (Nelson and Brand [43] ) attributes a broader effect to the Petition of Right:
Two views have been propounded of this celebrated statute. The one that its effect is limited to commissions such as those of which the Commons had more immediate cause to complain, and especially to commissions issued in time of peace; the other that it was intended to prevent the exercise of martial law against the subject, under any circumstances, and even as against the soldier, except in the case of "armies in time of war". The latter would appear to have been the view of Lord Hale, and the words of the statute are certainly large enough to embrace the more general position; nor is it at all probable that the Commons, many of whom must have foreseen that, as things were then going on, armed resistance to the encroachments of the prerogative might become inevitable, intended to leave the subject, in the event of popular commotion, at the mercy of martial law.
After the Restoration, the Orders and Articles of War of 1666 provided for the appointment of courts-martial and conferred on them general criminal jurisdiction over officers and soldiers, the jurisdiction being exclusive of the jurisdiction of the civil magistrates except for high treason or killing or robbing any person not being a soldier: Military Forces, pp. 54-55, 446-449. However, after Monmouth's rebellion, Colonel Kirke was directed in 1685 "that in all cases whatsoever, where the punishment is to be loss of life or limb, the Trial of any offender in His Majesty's pay be left to the Common Statute Law, the Articles of War being only to take place during the Rebellion which has now ceased": Military Forces, p. 478. Prior to the seventeenth century, standing armies were unknown. When the King was not engaged in foreign hostilities and when there was peace within the Realm, there was no necessity for military law. That position changed with the Restoration. The Manual of Military Law comments (p. 12, par. 16):
when, after the Restoration in 1660, such a force was established, the necessity of special powers for the maintenance of decipline (sic) began to be felt. The growth of the army was, however, always regarded with jealousy, and Parliament was therefore unwilling to confer such powers on the Crown until it became absolutely necessary to do so.
Thus, when William and Mary were invited to the throne the Declaration of Rights stated, and the statement was repeated in the Bill of Rights 1688 (1 Will. & Mary 2 c. 2), that "the raising or keeping a standing Army within the Kingdome in time of Peace unlesse it be with Consent of Parlyament is against law". Parliament gave consent for a standing army by the first Mutiny Act (1 Will. & Mary c. 5), which expired in November 1689 and was renewed annually thereafter (except during an hiatus), and at the same time made limited provision for the control of the standing army. The need for such a provision was stated by Lord Loughborough in the Court of Common Pleas in 1792 in Grant v. Gould [44] :
The army being established by the authority of the legislature, it is an indispensable requisite of that establishment that there should be order and discipline kept up in it, and that the persons who compose the army, for all offences in their military capacity, should be subject to a trial by their officers. That has induced the absolute necessity of a mutiny act accompanying the army . It is one object of that act to provide for the army; but there is a much greater cause for the existence of a mutiny act, and that is, the preservation of the peace and safety of the kingdom: for there is nothing so dangerous to the civil establishment of a state, as a licentious and undisciplined army; and every country which has a standing army in it, is guarded and protected by a mutiny act. An undisciplined soldiery are apt to be too many for the civil power; but under the command of officers, those officers are answerable to the civil power, that they are kept in good order and discipline . The object of the mutiny act, therefore, is to create a court invested with authority to try those who are a part of the army, in all their different descriptions of officers and soldiers; and the object of the trial is limited to breaches of military duty. Even by that extensive power granted by the legislature to his majesty to make articles of war, those articles are to be for the better government of his forces, and can extend no further than they are thought necessary to the regularity and due discipline of the army.
The object of establishing courts-martial being limited to the punishment of breaches of military duty, the ordinary processes of the criminal law were applied to persons subject to military discipline who were charged with offences against the ordinary criminal law. And in this they were entitled to the protection of the due process of the ordinary criminal courts, as the Mutiny Acts acknowledged. The recital to the successive Mutiny Acts contained what Cockburn L.C.J. in Nelson and Brand [45] called "the great constitutional dogma" that "whereas no man may be forejudged of life or limb, or subjected in time of peace to any kind of punishment by martial law, or in any other manner than by the judgment of his peers and according to the known and established laws of the realm". The words "in time of peace" were inserted in the time of Queen Anne and they are significant for they show that, when the ordinary courts were open, there was no occasion for the exercise of martial law (or military law as it is called in modern times). The editor's footnote to Nelson and Brand [46] explains the meaning of "in time of peace":
According to Lord Coke, "the time of peace is when the courts are open. For, when they are, you may have a commission of Oyer and Terminer, and where the common law can determine a thing, the martial law ought not." And again he says - "When the courts are open martial law cannot be executed" [47] . Lord Hale also says - "The exercise of martial law, whereby any person shall lose his life, or members, or liberty, may not be permitted in time of peace when the King's courts are open." Both these writers, it is to be observed, are speaking of martial law, not with reference to its exercise for the purpose of suppressing a rebellion, but as a rude substitute for the law of the land when, in time of war, justice cannot be administered by the ordinary tribunals.
Thus, Lord Loughborough in Grant v. Gould [48] declared that:
In this country, all the delinquencies of soldiers are not triable, as in most countries in Europe, by martial law; but where they are ordinary offences against the civil peace, they are tried by the common law courts. Therefore it is totally inaccurate to state martial law as having any place whatever within the realm of Great Britain.
The offences punishable by court-martial under the first Mutiny Act were clearly military offences - mutiny, sedition and desertion. Other offences were added in later Acts. One of the effects of the Mutiny Act, according to Clode (Military Forces, p. 206), was that "the trial of an offender by a civil court [was] conclusive of his guilt or innocence, and an answer to all further punishment, except that of dismissal from the service of the Crown".
1. (1867) Special Report, at pp. 93-95.
2. (1867) Special Report, at p. 66.
3. (1792) 2 H. Bl. 69, at pp. 99-100 [126 E.R. 434, at p. 450].
4. (1867) Special Report, at p. 68.
5. (1867) Special Report, at pp. 69-70.
6. 3 Rushworth Collect., App., at p. 81.
7. (1792) 2 H. Bl., at p. 99 [126 E.R., at p. 450].