application for review by the tribunal
35 On 18 November 1993 the Appellant applied to the Tribunal for review of the Minister's delegate's decision of 27 October 1993.
36 On 2 December 1993 Adrian Joel & Co, Immigration - Permanent Residence Solicitors and Consultants, wrote on behalf of the Appellant to the Tribunal providing additional documents in support of the Appellant's claims for refugee status. Amongst other things, the letter commented on the record of the delegate's decision. The solicitors' letter foreshadowed that the Appellant would seek to obtain further material from Bangladesh in support of his claim of 'a well-founded fear of persecution should he be compelled to return to Bangladesh'.
By his own act the Appellant directed the attention of the Tribunal to the Minister's delegate's record of her decision.
37 A letter ostensibly signed by Professor Patwary of the Department of Law at the University of Dhaka and dated 18 November 1993, which was submitted by the Appellant's solicitors to the Tribunal, included the following:
'At the fall of the Government of H. M. Ershad [SZDSI] had been in deep trouble. By the time [SZDSI] had his graduation and got admitted in the Master's programm of the Dept. of Law, of the University of Dhaka. For a good many times he has been assaulted physically and had to taken to hospital. He was attacked in the hospital, as well. It is quite plausible that the authority of the University of Dhaka and the police forces had been proved, for a good many times, incapable of giving him the security to continue his education at Dhaka University. Having no other way [SZDSI] had to scape (sic) from Bangladesh to Cyprus. At the time of trial examination he came back to Bangladesh and made his all efforts to appear at the final examination of LL.M. But he was attacked by some unidentified terrorist at the examination hall, even despite all co-operation of the Department. He was suggested to leave the country to save his life having the examination finalised not yet.
… Terrorists still threaten me to provide them the whereabouts of [SZDSI]. …'
38 On 4 May 1995 the Tribunal wrote to the Appellant indicating that it had considered all the papers relating to his case but was unable to make a decision on that information alone. Accordingly he was afforded an opportunity to give oral evidence before the Tribunal. On 31 May 1995 a hearing took place at which the Appellant gave evidence. It lasted for almost two hours.
39 On the day of the hearing additional documentary material was submitted by the Appellant to the Tribunal.
40 Before the Tribunal the Appellant was assisted by an interpreter.
41 Evidence was also given in support of the Appellant's application by another witness who was said to be a fellow student of the Appellant at Dhaka University. When the witness was giving evidence to the Tribunal, the Tribunal member put a question to the Appellant (referred to in the transcript as the Applicant) upon which he also invited the witness to comment. The transcript of the relevant evidence included:
'Tribunal Member: And it is this, that the circumstances that you've described of your political activities as a student took place during the period when Ershad was in control. That is he was - he was the leader of the country and he had the political power and you were associated with a student wing of that party.
THE APPLICANT: Yeah.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: But as you say yourself in December 1990 Ershad fell from power and the following year, in February 1991 a new government was elected. Ershad himself is now in prison.
THE APPLICANT: Yeah, he was in prison.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: And a number of his key leaders are also in prison or being charged. So if the aim, as it were, of the opposition parties like BNP has now succeeded because they've toppled Ershad what would be your concern about returning now to Bangladesh?
THE APPLICANT: It's quite impossible for me.
THE INTERPRETER [interpreting SZDSI's response]: When I go back to Bangladesh second time from Cyprus and tried to pursue my studies, at that time the rival group, at that time I came to know and I realised that those student leaders from the opposition groups, they hated us. They couldn't forget that hate to us. Those people who suffered at Ershad's hand and the student wing of Ershad so they're still carrying on that hate, hatred. So I felt insecure and as a result I couldn't appear in the final exam and the department, the faculty couldn't give me enough security so that I can appear in exam.'
42 The Appellant had earlier given evidence that he had been marked out for punishment by opponents of his group 'because they knew that I was indirectly involved with Ovi (sic) in that fight [a fight within the university]'.
43 Evidence given by the witness with some responses given by the Appellant, continued, inter alia, as follows:
'TRIBUNAL MEMBER: I mean but if someone like [SZDSI] goes back now to Bangladesh, if [SZDSI] goes back to Bangladesh now, and say he doesn't resume his studies but you know resides somewhere in Bangladesh, I mean what would be the threat to him?
…
THE WITNESS: Okay, in this area he's identified as Ershad's people, in this area.
…
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: I mean I accept that you know he's known and identified as someone who was with the Ershad group but if you go back now and you are not involved in political activity then what danger would you face? I mean what would be the risk to you of that?
…
THE INTERPRETER: Those people who were involved in my opposition and those who identified me as a supporter of Jatiya Party, they're now in power and they know me very well.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: But if you were, I mean if you were, leaving aside the university politics and university activity, what if you were to live in another part of the country?
THE INTERPRETER: I tried in that line because the second time I went back to Bangladesh just to appear in the exam and to pass my degree but I couldn't. They chased me and they identified me.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: Yes, I understand but you see what I'm talking about is within the campus of the university or within the university we're talking about a much tighter group, as it were. I mean you're a known identity in the university because you were a political activist. You're part of an organisation that obviously was disliked intensely and therefore I can understand yes there would be political enemies of yours amongst the student population but my question is if you were to go back to Bangladesh and you were to go to say a different part of the country, one that perhaps not even to Dhaka, somewhere else and just to settle there and to live there, then what would be the risk to you of your political enemies doing anything to you?
THE INTERPRETER: I can't live anywhere other than Dhaka because I have to practice in Dhaka. Even I can't go back to my country district region because everybody knows me over there.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: Sorry why can you only go to Dhaka, I wasn't quite sure?
THE INTERPRETER: If I don't go to Dhaka I have to go to my home district.
THE APPLICANT: I mean where I was born.
THE WITNESS: Can I express little things?
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: Well I, perhaps you can help me clarify the position. Why are you limited to two parts of the country only?
THE WITNESS: Yes, because the system of this country, Australia and Bangladesh, other countries I don't know. England is the … difference. So this guy, I predicted before, come from middle class. The middle class is dependent on land only.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: Yes.
THE WITNESS: Land, his father is not a very big businessman, his father in a limited land, every year they sit the crops on the land and make ready only as food, the food …. if don't come the crops in a very bad position but the crops is good the farmers is very happy.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: Yes.
THE WITNESS: The farmers is not like Australia, farm is little farms, little farms. So as educated who completed the Batchelor of Law Honours, he has no licence, he try to get the licence but he cannot, he could not so he don't have licence so if he go to Bangladesh he need more three years to get the licence first. So these two years, who will pay the money, his father or he? He will not get a job.
THE APPLICANT: Unable to getting a job.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: Well that's a slightly different question from the one I'm asking because I mean any of us who go to a foreign country or go back to another situation will have economic struggles of various kinds but the question I'm really asking is the one about the risk of persecution which is what we're talking about within the Tribunal.
THE WITNESS: Little bit not clear. So he has to live in Dhaka for earnings and earnings and practice because the Dhaka areas court he knows, the people he knows and his clients, most of clients will come in Dhaka area in that zone.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: He can't do the masters at the university, that's stopped.
THE WITNESS: Yes.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: But the licence is what?
THE WITNESS: Need two years more.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: And how to you get a licence?
THE WITNESS: Go to bar council, put in application.
THE APPLICANT: Yeah, put an application and written examination.
THE WITNESS: Written examination.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: Okay, go on.
THE WITNESS: So he go to his home or he will stay in Dhaka, capital territory. So these two places are not safe for [SZDSI]. These two places, the people know him because those who are the killers and Mustan in our own language, called Mustan, the Mustan's is coming from different, say Matraville, say Parramatta, say North Sydney, these sort of suburbs in Dhaka city, there is 100, more than 100 suburbs. All suburbs got own kind of boy who hold the territory, not like in Australia. They got if they say tomorrow got a strike, oh the suburb got a strike, they very powerful boy. That sort of boys knew [SZDSI] so he - he feared that if I go in Dhaka city I'll be in … trouble in Dhaka and local area in Barisal I got trouble in there and without that I can live in say Chittagong, I can live in … but no food. No food, how will I survive there.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: Well, I mean I know that - I mean I know that you're training is in the law and you would like if you went back to complete your qualifications so that then you could practice as a lawyer but what if, I mean, what if you were doing some other occupation, something else?
THE INTERPRETER: How can I do that, I don't know how to do that.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: Well I mean people do that every day of their lives. I mean people come to a new country. I mean if you come to Australia, even if you're qualified as a doctor or a lawyer you have to requalify because to requalify as a doctor you have to sit for an exam which the Medical Association sets and they won't let you just practice even if you have full qualifications and you've worked as a doctor for 30 years and so people, they do other things, they're cleaners or they drive taxis or they do all kinds of things.
THE APPLICANT: Yeah.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: All I'm saying is that if you're in the situation where you're back in Bangladesh, yes, maybe your opportunity to continue practising as a lawyer will be limited and maybe it will be even impossible because of the risk but what about if you went back and you did other things?
THE INTERPRETER: How will I live in different part of Bangladesh. I don't know anybody else over there.
THE APPLICANT: How can I live in somewhere, we don't know anybody other place. It is not possible.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER; Can you explain that for me?
THE WITNESS: The system over there, say he's in Dhaka, he want to settle in Dhaka, if he go to say Kunla, Kunla another city, the language is varied. Say that people say, I said Asho, they say Asha, so different type of language they speak so here every day if a newcomer come in Australia in Sydney, say he's a … or he's a barrister or solicitor from other country, say he go to Hannan Printing Press, say I'm looking for a job, how long, 10 years, five years or two years. He looks good, English good, okay come on, process worker, start a job but the country not that way.
If you need a job, who working here, your uncle or your father or your brother, so then you can get a single job, otherwise he cannot get a job.
THE APPLICANT: Otherwise it is not possible to getting job or do anything.
THE WITNESS: So these sort of things and how old are you, say 28 or 26, a young guy, he'll take these things, who'll give you security, they need the security first. Without security, I don't know you, I cannot give you job so there is … of few things. In industrial area he cannot do that job industrial area, say there is a jute mill, jute mills, lot of I mean one years or two years no vacancy because all the related people, say I working there I'll bring my nephew, niece, I'll bring my uncle, I'll bring, these sort of things happen in nearly five or six years which I know so there he fears that if he goes back to the other parts of the country he's unable to maintain himself and that will be the death as well as the threat.
So these sort of things he fear but he - … capital, those who are living in capitals, they always, they always, if you go to Bangladesh, they spread. These things will all I mean come, he live in kumla, oh that bloody boy come Dhaka one day. So that will be easy to punish, he fear that.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: And what would you consider to be the risk if you went back to Barisal, your home town, your village?
THE APPLICANT: I was also trademark over there because I was also trademark over there in my place where I was born.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: By whom?
THE APPLICANT: Because my other … in our area we got a organisation over there.
THE INTERPRETER: We have got organisations for Awami League and BNP and every other political party over there.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: You see why would they want to do something to you now if you no longer hold power?
THE WITNESS: It's very thing, a very good thing which you ask. Because we got a jealous .. he is the son of a little farmer, lot of farmers like this in his village. When he come from Sydney, oh he back to Sydney you come to practice here. So his sheer existence, oh okay, before he was in Ershad power, Ershad Party, Ershad was in power and he hold us, I mean he got the power with him and he was superior than us. Now his party is ousted, his party not in power so our party in power so we got a chance to harass him. So that sort of jealousy throughout every, every village and he is scared that sort of punishment.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: And what sort of punishment would that be likely to be in a village setting?
THE WITNESS: They try to impose false cases. Say he was on our side five years, so one villagers is a wicked man so his land, is fathers' land is beside that so he tried to stop his politics, okay he will be very quiet and innocent in this area. Yesterday, say my area this year I find in papers nearly 20 … in every village, 20 … brought their life, 10 … and midnight 12 … . So one martyrs happen in the village, he was sleeping in that home, in his home and that rival, before he was rival, [SZDSI's] family so that … happens in midnight. Oh go to that house, hey how many of the accused person, 20, put another man number three. What's his name, [SZDSI]. [SZDSI], I saw him. They're making, this is making the … case. If you fall in the one … case, the whole nearly 10 years it took … his life. That's the rivalry, village people and those who are stuck, say I will … I will … from the politics, that sort of boys and girls fall in that position in our country.
This is the real pain, painful memory. We consider the village, we consider the country side is very peaceful but nowadays it's become more worse than city. If you once time involve in the politics in our country you have, you will think that your life has ruined one way or another way. Your education will be finished, that's I predicted, you boys stop that politics. One way or another way, you have - you have destroyed your life, you did not complete your education, you did not complete your masters, you did not complete your bar council exam. You did not complete many things which student … in his student life.
So that's why he might fall in very big trouble which I as an Australian have.
TRIBUNAL MEMBER: I don't have any further questions that I want to raise but are there any other points that you want to sort of make in regard to your claims?
THE APPLICANT: Just I'm going to say really quite impossible for me to back my country. It is not possible back my country. It's really quite impossible because they took everything from me, from myself. They've broken my leg, they hit my back, they took my education, they took my everything and still I was trademark over there and they're holding the power so it's quite impossible for me to go back my country.'
44 The Tribunal's decision dated 26 April 1996 was forwarded to the Appellant by the Tribunal on 29 April 1996. The Tribunal's letter forwarding the Tribunal's decision included the following:
'The Tribunal has decided that you are not a refugee, which means you are not entitled to a Protection Visa. …'
45 The formal decision of the Tribunal was:
'Since the Applicant is not a refugee, he is not a person to whom Australia has protection obligations under the Refugees Convention. Accordingly, the Tribunal has decided to refuse to grant the Applicant a protection visa. The Tribunal affirms the decision under review, which now has effect as a decision to refuse to grant a protection visa.'
46 The Tribunal member's summary of the claims of the Appellant occupied some five pages. They included:
'In his application to the Department, the Applicant claimed refugee status on political grounds, arguing that he was a member of the Jatiya Party when it was under the leadership of Ershad. …
…
The Applicant said that when he went back to Bangladesh after being in Cyprus in 1991, rival student groups were hostile to those who had been supporters of the Ershad regime and its student wing. He felt insecure in Bangladesh and had not been able to complete his final exams. He did not believe that he could re-enrol at Dhaka University. There were still opposition students who were on the campus. If he went back to his home village in Barisal he would face problems because he was known as an Ershad supporter. If he returned he would have to do his exams through the Bar Council in Dhaka. Getting a job would depend on having connections and without these he could not survive.
The Applicant submitted to the Tribunal two letters relating to the attacks on him. One was from the Chairman of the Department of Law, Dhaka University, Professor Patwary. In this letter, dated 18 November 1993, mention is made of the physical attacks on the Applicant resulting in his hospitalisation. After he returned to Bangladesh from Cyprus to do his exams in the master of law degree, the Applicant was "attacked by some unidentified terrorist at the examination hall." His personal security was at risk and Professor Patwary states that the Applicant was still being sought by terrorists who wanted to know his whereabouts.
…'
47 In its consideration of the Appellant's claims the Tribunal member said, amongst other things:
'The claims of the Applicant to refugee status focus on what happened to him because of his activities as a supporter of the Ershad regime. He has claimed that he was directly involves (sic) in the NBSS which was the student wing, on campus, of the Jatiya Party.
The Applicant has given detailed accounts of his political involvement in the NBSS of the Jatiya Party. The period of his active engagement in the NBSS, according to what he has stated, was in the period between 1984-86. In that time he has claimed that he was engaged in (sic) number of activities including the organisation of meetings and rallies to bolster support for Ershad, production of student publications and the signing of branch documents. The Tribunal was told that he was the general secretary of the NBSS. The length of time that he was secretary has not been precisely stated but it appears that 1986 was the year of the Applicant's most active involvement.
Because of his prominent role, he became identified as a target by opposition student groups, especially the Chatra Dal and Chatra League which were attached to the BNP and the Awami League respectively. There was one incident in which he was physically assaulted by a group of other students.
He has said that this attack on him took place in 1986 and it resulted in his hospitalisation. After that he apparently was more circumspect about his political activities which were pushed aside while he concentrated on his exams. The Applicant's account of his campus life indicates to the Tribunal that he was a relatively low-key member of the JP after 1986, even if he still went to meetings of the Party. As he himself has explained, the degree of influence of the NBSS was waning after 1986 and opposition political groups on campus were more prominent than the NBSS and outweighed it in their combined strength.
In his primary application, the Applicant also made reference to beatings when the police detained him but subsequently said to his departmental interviewer that the physical assaults were perpetrated by members of student groups who opposed him. He told the Tribunal that he reported this incident to the police but that they did not do anything about it. He did not indicate to the Department, at interview, or the Tribunal that he had ever been arrested or detained by the police. Therefore the Tribunal considers that it was not possible for there to be any police assaults on the Applicant in the time that he was living in Bangladesh.
Following the assault and the less visible part he played in the politics on campus, the Applicant did not mention that he encountered any further problems at the University. Thus between the start of 1987 and the end of 1990 the Applicant was able to concentrate on his law studies, complete his undergraduate degree, and restrict his political activities. He does not suggest that he was under further threat from other student groups in this four year period. It was not until the fall of Ershad, which occurred in November 1990, that he felt his security and safety was at risk. As he has said, this was when he decided to go to Cyprus.
Independent commentary on this situation in Bangladesh confirms the claims of the Applicant that the period from 1984-86 was one of great political upheaval in the country. After he came to power in March 1982, following a military coup, Ershad initiated an austerity drive and campaigned against corruption and inefficiency. There were a number of officials, police and politicians arrested in 1983. Political decentralisation was pursued in the interests of rural development. This goal and the delay in restoring constitutional government generated opposition from political elites.
…
It was not until late November 1990 that Ershad resigned after massive strikes and violent demonstrations throughout Bangladesh. He was then placed under house arrest, and an acting President was installed, and moves were quickly made to hold general elections. On 27 February 1991 general elections were held which resulted in the BNP winning a small majority. Since then, the BNP has been the ruling Party in Bangladesh. (see: "Bangladesh," The Far East and Australasia, Europa Publications, 1994, pp 109-111 …).
The Tribunal accepts the claim of the Applicant that he was fearful for his own security after Ershad fell. As the US Department of State has commented:
Following President Ershad's resignation, there were numerous incidents of revenge attacks against members of Ershad's Jatiya Party that included destruction of homes, other property, and party offices. (See"Bangladesh," Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1990, p 1388).
According to Amnesty International, criminal and political violence declined in 1991 but increased greatly in 1992. There were reports of violent clashes on university campuses in 1991 and 1992 and 24 students died and more than 2000 were injured. (See: Amnesty International, Bangladesh: A summary of human rights concerns, AI Index, ASA 13/01/93, p 2).
Nonetheless the Applicant only remained in Cyprus for one semester and, in October 1991, he returned to Bangladesh to commence a master of law degree. As he explained to the Tribunal, he had spoken to friends who had advised him it was safe to return. The Applicant did enrol and begin (sic) his master of law studies. The circumstances preventing him from completing the final exam in April 1992 are not explained in detail by the Applicant. He has said that he somehow learnt that he would be attacked by political opponents if he went to the exam but he has not indicated why he was likely to be attacked or what had provoked a possible attack. What he has said was that the faculty of law could not guarantee his safety and therefore, he decided not to appear for the exam.
Given that the Applicant said that he maintained a low profile on campus after 1986 when he was physically assaulted and had also spent time away from Bangladesh in Cyprus, the Tribunal cannot see how he might be vulnerable to student attack in April 1992. But, allowing for the possibility that he was a targe of rival student groups, there is no explanation of what he had done or said to provoke such an attack.
There is the mention he has made of the incident in March/April 1992 involving two student rivals with links to the Chattra Dal of the BNP. The Applicant has referred to this several times but although he claims to have supported one of the leaders, an acquaintance called Ovee, he did not explain clearly what involvement he had. His account at the Tribunal hearing is that when the fighting broke out between Ovee's faction and the rival group led by Mirja Galib, Ovee was directing the fighting using a walkie-talkie. The Applicant claimed he was assisting Ovee but has not said what his own role was. When the police intervened the students scattered. The Applicant said to the Tribunal that he did not know what subsequently happened and he was not charged. On the other hand, he presented a different version of the incident to the Department saying that he escaped sentencing because he left Bangladesh. He also claimed that his case was decided in his absence and that he had been sentenced to ten years in prison. The Applicant has not made a clear presentation of this incident and it is uncertain whether he has ever been charged because of the fight. While the Tribunal is prepared to accept that such a clash did occur it finds that the claims of the Applicant are contradictory on what charges, if any, were brought against him. In addition the role of the Applicant himself in this clash lacks clarity.
Even if the Tribunal allows for the fact that he may have been charged, it is not convinced that the Applicant faces persecution within the meaning of the Convention. Although the clash between Ovee and Mirja Galib may have been related to their political rivalry within the BNP, the Applicant has said that it was connected to personal antagonism between the two men. The Applicant appears to have sided with Ovee because they knew one another, were from the same village, and Ovee had befriended the Applicant at one stage. Therefore the Tribunal cannot see that the Applicant's involvement in the incident had any connection to his political activities or his support of the Jatiya Party.
Moreover the charges against Ovee appear to have been in connection with the death of Mirja Galib. The Applicant himself has said that by running away he avoided murder charges. Therefore the issue in this incident is whether he may have been involved in a "non-political" offence not whether he was likely to face persecution because of his Jatiya Party activities. The Tribunal does not consider that the issue of persecution arises in such an incident.
As the UNHCR Handbook has stated:
In determining whether an offence is "non-political" or is, on the contrary, a "political" crime, regard should be given in the first place to its nature and purpose i.e. whether it has been committed out of genuine political motives and not merely for personal reasons or gain. (See: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Handbook On Procedures And Criteria For Determining Refugee Status, Geneva, January 1988, para.152, p 36).
The Applicant has also raised the possibility that he is wanted on charges of possessing firearms. He has said that these are false charges dating back to 1986 but he has some evidence from his friends that the police have charged him with various offences. The point to note about these charges is that they have never been acted on even though the Applicant was studying in Bangladesh from 1986 until early 1991 when he went to Cyprus. The Applicant has claimed that while Ershad was in power the charges were never pressed against him but, after the fall of Ershad, he (the Applicant) was vulnerable and could be subjected to arrest. The fact is, however, that the Applicant returned from Cyprus in October 1991 and resumed his studies at Dhaka University during 1992. He was never approached by the police and, as he has said himself, while be believed that there were charges against him, he had never seen any document relating to those charges or to a possible arrest. Therefore the Tribunal concludes that the police had no intention of bringing any charges against him.
Based on the preceding analysis the Tribunal does not consider that the Applicant faced a real chance of persecution at the time that he departed Bangladesh early in 1993. He was able to resume his law studies when he returned to Bangladesh from Cyprus in October 1991. He has claimed that he was facing a personal assault on him in April 1992 when he was due to take his exams. As a result, he did not show up for his exam and failed to complete his master of law degree. But he has not indicated what was the basis for his suspicion that he would be attacked if he went to the exams. Nor has he said who was seeking to attack him. Given the fact that, since the end of 1986, the Applicant had not taken an active role in supporting the Jatiya Party on campus, the Tribunal considers that the chance of him being a target of other student groups to be remote. He has said that the NBSS was inactive from 1986 and was disbanded in 1988. Thus, from 1986 onwards, it had no profile on the Dhaka University campus.
Would the Applicant face a real chance of persecution if he returned to Bangladesh? There have, according to press reports, been continuing tensions in the political situation in Bangladesh in the past two years. Since February 1991 until April 1996, the BNP has been the ruling party in the country. Elections were held in February 1996 amid calls by the Awami League, allied with the Jatiya Party and other opposition parties, for Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia to resign. Although the BNP won 99% of seats in the Parliament, the opposition parties refused to participate, charged the elections with being corrupt and rigged, and waged an anti-government campaign that drew support from civil servants, industrialists and workers. The protest, which had been waged for the past two years, has been characterised by strikes and demonstrations. There have been continuing demands for the BNP to step down and for Zia to resign. Finally the Prime Minister capitulated and agreed in early April, to resign and to hold a fresh general election in May 1996 under a neutral caretaker government. (See: Time Australia, 8 April 1996; The Australian, 29 March 1996; The Sydney Morning Herald, 27 March 1996). There have been reports of street fights by armed rival groups and the arrest and intimidation of opposition leaders up to the time of the resignation of the Prime Minister. According to one report, many believed that the members of the Awami League might try to settle scores with political adversaries after the fall of the Zia government. (See: The Weekend Australian, 30 March 1996).
While this presents an uncertain picture of the political situation and suggests that tensions between the BNP and its rivals, especially the Awami League, still exist, the Tribunal does not consider that the Applicant would be directly affected if he were to return to Bangladesh. He was part of the student group that supported the Jatiya Party through the NBSS in the period from 1984-86. His involvement in politics after 1986 was greatly reduced. Following the fall of Ershad, there were arrests of a number of his key supporters but, although he feared for his own safety, the Applicant was never arrested or detained. Political rivalries and tensions shifted in the 1990s to the role of the BNP in government and the reports on the situation in Bangladesh from 1994 to the present (in Amnesty International Reports 1994 and 1995; the US Department of State's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1994; and recent press coverage such as that cited in the preceding paragraph) do not suggest that former Ershad supporters are the focus of attention by other political parties.
Accordingly, the Tribunal considers that the Applicant does not face a real chance of serious harm if he now returns to Bangladesh. It finds, therefore, that he does not have a "well-founded fear" of persecution within the meaning of the Convention and cannot be considered to be a refugee.'