Anthropological report
26 The anthropological report produced by Ms SD Donaldson details the manner in which the native title claim group is part of a broader Kaytetye community living in the region in which the determination area is located. The community constitutes a society whose members continue to acknowledge and observe a common body of traditional law and custom. Consistently with the information included in the application, Ms Donaldson opines that the determination area lies within the four Aboriginal territories or estate areas known as Ileyarne, Akwerlpe-Waake, Lyentyawel Ileparranem and Arrawatyen, and that the native title claim group is comprised of four landholding groups named after the four estate areas (report paras 6-8).
27 Ms Donaldson notes that archaeological excavations from sites 800 kilometres north of the determination area indicate human occupation of the area more than 7000 years ago. Archaeological surveys undertaken from an application area adjacent to the determination area indicate human occupation and use dating from at least several thousand years ago through to the early contact period (report para 35).
28 It appears that the earliest contact between the ancestors of the native title claim group and Europeans was during the 1860 expedition undertaken from Adelaide by John McDouall Stuart to investigate the viability of land north of South Australia. As the anthropologist observes:
Stuart noted evidence of Aboriginal occupation in the application area and surrounding region and made various observations about the people he encountered, including burials, sign language and headdress; the use of spears, wommeras, boomerangs and spear throwers; and hunting and gathering of food, including being presented with opossums and birds. (report para 38)
29 Ms Donaldson notes that Europeans in the region throughout the 1860s and 1870s described evidence of occupation, ceremonial preparations, weaponry, art and activity by the inhabitants (report paras 42-46). Later records following the commencement of pastoral and mining activities indicated that "station life in fact allowed for the continuation of a traditional lifestyle during the time of the year when people were not needed for station work" (report para 55). Ms Donaldson refers to detailed ethnographic records which have been conducted since 1901 in the region, with research describing the people of the area and their beliefs, practices, social organisation and lifestyle (report paras 68-85).
30 Ms Donaldson states in her report that those members of the claim group in the determination area have been principally associated with the Kaytetye language (report para 93), and that members of the native title claim group acknowledge and observe the laws and customs of Kaytetye society (report para 97). In particular, Ms Donaldson observes that the Altyerre, or "The Dreaming" or "Dreamtime", covering a range of related concepts including mythical spiritual beings and their creative journeys, religious laws, ritual objects, sacred designs and songs, and rules governing the social order which affect the everyday life of members of the Kaytetye society, continues to underpin the everyday lives of the native title claim group (para 98 and para 104). Traditional initiation ceremonies and mourning customs remain customary in the group.
31 It is important to note that, in Ms Donaldson's expert opinion, while the native title claim group is made up of the four landholding groups, they consider themselves interconnected because they jointly hold knowledge relating to the application area and acknowledge themselves to be "all one family" (report para 11).
32 Ms Donaldson describes the complex traditional system of kinship and social classification in Kaytetye society, and states that kin relationships are important in relation to marriage rules, ceremonial activity, societal roles, and interaction and relationship with the land and most Dreamings (paras 120-132). Descent is the most important basis for acquiring rights and interests in land (para 207), although persons without a descent connection to an estate may satisfy certain non-descent based criteria regarding their connections with the estate, and acquire rights in or over the estate (para 211).
33 Within a community, access to particular sites in an estate is related to one's gender, age, knowledge, initiation status, and relationship with the site and associated ancestral beings (para 176). So, for example, Ms Donaldson notes that people from other tribes must ask persons with specific roles in the society, namely the apmerek-artwey (those affiliated with an estate through father's father) and kwertengerl (those with affiliations through mother's father) before drinking from sacred water sources, rock holes and swamps (para 170, cf paras 178-180). In her report Ms Donaldson describes her observation of these practices.
34 Ms Donaldson also refers to well-defined forms of punishment or payback as a means of controlling social order, including sanctions relating to improper access to culturally significant sites (paras 195-199).
35 In describing the source of the native title rights and interests claimed by the native title claim group, Ms Donaldson states in her report:
200. The traditional laws and customs currently acknowledged and observed by members of the native title claim group and under which they possess rights and interests in the application area have their origins in Altyerre Law. Donald Thompson Kemarre made this point in the following terms:
… It's an old law from the Altyerre, old people give the same rules to young people today so they can carry it on. … the men have laws they give to the boys and the ladies have laws they give to the girls. …you can't forget your law, your law is your culture. If you forget your law, your culture is finished.
201. The right to live on the land, and for that purpose, to camp, erect shelters and other structures, and to travel over and access any part of the determination area is possessed under traditional laws and customs, including those concerning mourning, social organisation (including marriage, kinship and subsection systems), access to land, the protection of sites and the use of resources.
202. The right to hunt, gather and take the natural resources of the determination area is possessed under rules and restrictions, including those concerning access to land (in terms of gender and ceremonial activities), the protection of sites and the use of resources.
203. The rights to access, maintain and protect places and areas of importance are possessed under rules and restrictions including those relating to the roles and joint responsibility of apmerek-artwey and kwertengerl concerning knowledge of, and access to land, and the protection of sites.
204. The right to engage in cultural activities, conduct ceremonies, hold meetings, teach the physical and spiritual attributes of places and areas of importance and to participate in cultural practices relating to birth and death, including burial rites are possessed under traditional laws and customs relating to the ritual roles acquired by apmerek-artwey and kwertengerl, together with customs associated with the cycle of life and death, in particular baby smoking, initiation ceremonies and mourning customs.
205. The right to make decisions about the use and enjoyment of the determination area by Aboriginal people who recognise themselves to be governed by the traditional laws and customs acknowledged by the native title holders is possessed under traditional laws and customs relating to succession, sanctions, access to land and the protection of sites.
206. The right to share and exchange natural resources obtained on or from the determination area, including traditional items made from the natural resources of the determination area are possessed under traditional laws and customs concerning access to land, the protection of sites and the use of resources.
36 Ms Donaldson also explains the manner in which claimants continue to acknowledge and observe the Kaytetye traditional laws and customs which give rise to rights and interests in the land. In particular Ms Donaldson refers to information provided by many members of the claimant group, including:
continued access to and residence on land in the determination area through, inter alia, employment at Singleton Station, notwithstanding that many were compelled to leave their traditional lands due to the emergence of the pastoral industry (report s 4.3.1);
exploitation of natural resources of the determination area in accordance with traditional laws and customs, and by employing traditional ecological knowledge about the land and its plants and animals (report s 4.3.2);
continued access to, maintenance of and protection of places of importance, in order to ensure that places are appropriately cared for. Examples given were:
the successful repatriation in 1999 of a boulder of spiritual significance (which had been removed from the region in 1952 without the permission of the Akwerlpe-Waake people) following petitioning by members of the native title claim group (report s 4.3.3, paras 282-283); and
in relation to important edible plants where production of such plants is enhanced by burning - regular burning of areas of land upon which such plants grow by members of the native title claim group to promote maximum production (para 284);
continuation of cultural activities, including initiation of young males (report s 4.3.4);
continued decisions about the use of the land, including successful negotiations to cause the realignment of the Alice Springs to Darwin railway corridor to ensure it avoided a culturally important site immediately north of the application area (report s 4.3.5);
continued sharing and exchanging natural resources (report s 4.3.6).
37 In her report, Ms Donaldson states that:
Evidence of land use practices employed by a group of people just two generations after sovereignty, coupled with details of stable societal characteristics such as a system of land tenure, knowledge of the local ecology to enable survival, the practising of customs such as those related to mourning recorded just one generation after sovereignty, and the use of a developed language recorded just two generations after sovereignty lead to my conclusion that practices such as these were also exercised by the claimants' ancestors before sovereignty. (report para 14)