The form of the hearing
10 After the applicant's proposals were clarified during oral submissions, I accept it would be a valid choice simply to list the entire s 61 application for trial, to be heard in tranches, with the first tranche to be the on-country lay evidence, and the remaining tranches to be the subject of separate programming orders thereafter. This held some attraction for me during the case management hearing.
11 However, on reflection I have decided the State's proposed separate question is preferable. First, a self-contained separate question, together with programming orders, identifies very precisely for those tasked with the vital job of approving funding for this matter exactly what work needs to be done, and to what end. Since funding is critical, this is a weighty consideration. Second, as I will explain, in order to keep preparation as cost effective as possible, I have decided that each party should file only a concise statement. That will be sufficient in my opinion because the separate question has defined the scope of the trial. Third, it is possible that any of the three active parties whose evidence and arguments are not accepted might wish to appeal. If the on-country evidence is just one tranche of a trial on the s 61 application, then even if the expert evidence is dealt with separately after the lay evidence, there will need to be some refinement of the matters on which the Court is to issue a judgment (eg to exclude extinguishment) before any appeal. The separate question makes these matters clear from the start.
12 There is a qualification to what I have said at [11]. Unlike many other applications under s 61 of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth), the active parties do not commence from a blank slate. The existence of a system of traditional law and custom which has continued since time immemorial throughout the Torres Strait has been recognised by this Court in Akiba. These aspects were not disturbed on appeal. At [457]-[459] and [463]-[464], Finn J summarised his findings:
I have made, or foreshadowed, my conclusions on such of the various laws and customs propounded by the applicant as I consider to have been proved. I would emphasise that together they display four attributes.
First, even though they ordinarily have only local application, most are common to the island communities of Torres Strait. I would instance laws and customs relating to descent rules, adoption, territorial control and permission, minor matters such as feasting, funerals, naming boats, etc and, importantly, elders. I emphasise this last because it is an institution of governance replicated in all local communities.
Secondly, I put to one side laws relating to land and waters. In those cases where there are discernible differences - these are, principally, laws and customs relating to kinship, marriage and affinal relations and totems - I do not consider such differences to be destructive of the one society case.
…
Thirdly, there is an obvious commonality in the laws and customs which regulate an Islander's rights and obligations outside his or her own land or marine territory. I would instance the laws and customs relating to inter-Island marriage and affinal relationships, hereditary friendships and tebud, and permission and ailan pasin. I will return to these below.
Fourthly, without reiterating what I earlier said, I have concluded that the evidence on shared land and marine areas is consistent only with common laws across the Strait applying principles of continuing acknowledgment of prior occupation by ancestors and of descent and inheritance. What I need to emphasise in light of the Buru-Warul Kawa, etc determination and my conclusion in relation to Naghir, is that sharing is not confined to sharing within a cluster group. The laws and customs which accommodate sharing are not simply ones of individual island communities or of a cluster group.
13 And at [472]-[474]:
In Torres Strait, given the local operation of laws and customs as to descent which provided (i) an island (or "community") identity; (ii) one's place in the social organisation of that community; and (iii) a basis for inheritance, the Islander emphasis is unremarkable. Pre-annexation, they did not exist in a place where wider geo-political reasons would have been likely to have required of them a larger self-vision beyond, at best, that of their cluster group.
It seems to be common ground that a consciousness of Torres Strait Islander identity first, as a unique people and then considerably as later a political "identity", were post-contact and annexation phenomena. I should emphasise in passing that the finding of a society is not premised as of course upon a finding that the groups who constituted it had a consciousness of it. This they may or may not have had. In the present matter, while the advent of the marine industries prior to annexation may have enhanced the development of a pan-Torres Strait awareness amongst some Islanders, I make no finding of consciousness of a Torres Strait society at annexation.
Notwithstanding the basis upon which Islanders identify self and others, I do not regard identity as such as a useful indicator of a "society" in this matter. For reasons I have already given, a local community based "society" fails to accommodate the phenomenon of sharing island land and waters by two or more island communities. Further, accepting that infra-Island matters are characteristically settled by laws and customs having purely local application, the severing of Island communities for reason of identity ignores those laws and customs dealing with relationships between, and reciprocal obligations of, persons on different Islands. Such laws and customs, as I have indicated, are replicated across Torres Strait. Similarly it attributes no significance to laws and customs which, though local in operation (eg in relation to elders), are characteristic of all of the Island communities. Importantly, to use identity as the State proposes disregards context in a variety of ways.
14 Although the determination operates in rem, I note in particular that the State is bound by these findings.
15 It is also appropriate to recall the findings made in several consent determinations.
16 In the very early Torres Strait determinations, little was said about the content of the traditional laws and customs: see Mualgal People v State of Queensland [1999] FCA 157, Kaurareg People v State of Queensland [2001] FCA 657. However, in both of these determinations, Drummond J did express his satisfaction about the available anthropological evidence and the existence of such laws and customs over the determined areas.
17 Cooper J in Nona on behalf of the Badulgal v State of Queensland [2004] FCA 1578 described the Badulgal at [10] as "a maritime people living off the land and waters and engaging in trade with neighbouring island communities". His Honour accepted the affidavit evidence of one of the traditional owners of the area subject to the determination as to the traditional laws and customs of the Badulgal people at [11]. His Honour stated:
As the documentary evidence shows, the Badulgal still maintain a system of traditional land ownership which is continuous with the system as it operated before sovereignty. Relationships within the Badu Island community are expressed in the idiom of kinship and identification with a particular family provides the main avenue by which any individual claims ownership of land. The continuing connection between the Badulgal and the determination area is well recognised. The late Mr Sagigi deposed in support of the Badulgal's native title rights over the determination area:
'(a) Badu Island people have always enjoyed, and continue to enjoy, their rights to use, occupy and live on their land and to exclude others from it and to use and enjoy the natural resources of the land such as animal and plant life. For example, I am one of the traditional owners of particular land including land known as Mui Wakaid.
(b) Badu Island people leave their land to the children and others in accordance with their tradition and custom and grant and withhold permission for others to use their land. For example, upon my death my interests in land will pass to my children and other members of my extended family.
(c) Badu Island people hunt over the land, forage the land, garden the land and generally use the resources of the land albeit in somewhat changing ways over the years. For example, many Badu Islanders maintain house gardens, and also frequently collect wild plant foods such as wongai plums.
(d) Badu Island people trade and share in their natural resources amongst themselves and trade with others including Papuans, other Torres Strait Islanders and non-indigenous persons. For example, mats, drums, harpoons and other items are regularly traded with visiting Papuans.
(e) Badu Island people conduct social, religious and economic life upon the claim area including the visiting of cultural sites of significance, conducting burials and tomb stone openings, participating in festivals and associated traditional dancing and being responsible on a daily basis for the care of the land. One such festival was the recent ordination of a priest at Badu which involved feasting and traditional dancing.'
18 The Badulgal and Mualgal people also hold native title over "numerous uninhabited small islands, islets and rocks located south of Badu Island and south-west of Mua Island in the Torres Strait", as determined in Nona and Manas v State of Queensland [2006] FCA 412 and Manas v State of Queensland [2006] FCA 413. Dowsett J accepted and quoted with approval the anthropological report of Dr Garrick Hitchcock which his Honour found (at [10] of the first determination) "confirms the continuity of an identifiable society of Torres Strait Islander people having a connection with the lands and waters of the determination area in accordance with traditional laws which they acknowledge and traditional customs which they observe".
19 Of the Badulgal and Mualgal people's traditional law and custom, his Honour quoted the following passages of Dr Hitchcock's report. At [14]:
The Badulgal are the descendants of the Indigenous inhabitants of Badu, and the Mualgal are the descendants of the Indigenous inhabitants of Mua.
…
Recruitment to both groups occurs primarily by birth, or by traditional Torres Strait Islander adoption. Whether natural born or adopted, all such children automatically acquire a community identity, which in turn confers native title rights and interests in the community's traditional estate (for further information, see Murphy 2000:16-17; Powell 1998:44-48,51-55).
20 And at [15]:
Badulgal and Mualgal tradition and custom, from which their native title rights and interests derive, share much in common with other Western Torres Strait Islander groups, and indeed, all Torres Strait Island societies. Many aspects of the relationship between the communities forming these groups continue today, and members of the claim group continue to acknowledge the closeness between the communities forming each larger group (e.g. dialect group), and their wider identification as Western Torres Strait Islanders.
Badulgal and Mualgal also identify as a member of their Torres Strait 'cluster group' - in this case the Western (or Central Western) Islands, comprising Mua, Badu and Mabuiag. Following pacification and missionization in the early 1870s, relations between Mualgal and Badu (and Mabuiag) people have been strong and deeply held. Intermarriage has also continued to take place; for example, a number of Badu people have married into the Mualgal community and reside at Kubin. The cluster grouping has an important role in local social and political activity in the region. Cooperation and sharing between the islands, and participation in each other's ceremonies are part of normal, everyday life. Sporting teams and events, lobby groups, and political representation often occurs along cluster groups lines. The Western cluster group is not merely a proximal label, but reflects ongoing relationships and customary practice, and demonstrates the continuity of these more inclusive levels of social identity and organisation.
21 The State is also bound by the findings in these determinations. The State is correct to submit that a separate question in this proceeding should not assume the existence of native title over Warral and Ului, because there is no admission from the State (as the principal responding party on connection) to that effect, and - obviously - no existing determination to that effect. However, the matters at [12] to [20] above make it as clear as it could be that, barring some exceptional or unforeseen circumstance, native title will be found to exist over Warral and Ului. The real question is who are the holders of that native title, and what is its content, although the second matter is, again, likely to be decided very much by reference to previous determinations, given the nature of native title in the Torres Strait as explained in Akiba. There has obviously been a tremendous amount of work done on the content of law and custom in the Torres Strait. The wheel need not be re-invented, and for the sake of the native title claimants and their patient endurance of the delays in bringing their native title claims to a conclusion, must not.
22 It is important to make that clear because, to ensure this trial is as cost effective as possible, the Court will expect the State to focus on what is the real question in dispute before the parties, even if it is strictly correct that there is no admission as to the existence of native title. The evidence and argument should be tightly focused on that real issue in dispute. The same expectation exists in relation to the applicant and the Badulgal respondents. The Court is especially concerned that the parties adopt an approach which recognises the work done in Akiba, and for previous consent determinations, and the binding effect of those decisions, unless very good reason is shown.
23 To facilitate the parties keeping a sharp focus on what is in dispute, and what is agreed, I have decided that rather than any more traditional form of pleading, and rather than statements of facts and contentions, which can become long and unwieldy, the parties will each be ordered to file and serve a concise statement, setting out their positions.
24 Concise statements are dealt with in the Court's Central Practice Note at [6.8]-[6.10]. At [6.8] the Central Practice Note states:
The purpose of a concise statement is to enable the applicant to bring to the attention of the respondent and the Court the key issues and key facts at the heart of the dispute, as well as the essential relief sought from the Court before incurring what might be the considerable cost of preparation of detailed pleadings. The concise statement is not intended to substitute the traditional form of pleading with a short form of pleading, but instead should be prepared more in the nature of a pleading summons, and may be drafted in a narrative form.
25 At [6.10] the form of concise statements is set out:
The concise statement must not exceed 5 pages (including formal parts) and the Court would expect that ordinarily (except in complex cases) less than 5 pages will be necessary. It will be plain, concise and direct in every regard. It will omit unnecessary repetition and will do no more than summarise:
(a) the important facts giving rise to the claim;
(b) the relief sought from the Court (and against whom);
(c) the primary legal grounds (causes of action) for the relief sought; and
(d) the alleged harm suffered by the applicant, including - wherever possible - a conservative and realistic estimate or range of loss and damage.
26 Concise statements are used regularly in a range of complex cases in this Court. They are regularly used by the ACCC in complex consumer protection cases, for example. There is an initiating process in this proceeding, very recently filed and carefully prepared, which sets out the applicant's claim. Together with the form of the separate question, and the Court's interlocutory decision on leave and joinder, I consider the parties have ample material upon which to frame their concise statements. I have also taken the following matters into account in deciding that the parties should articulate their cases by this method:
(a) It is highly cost effective.
(b) It is an intelligible and accessible form for members of the native title claimant communities to understand the issues.
(c) Since the documents are short, and to be expressed in plain English, it will assist in ensuring the separate question hearing is fair to the Badulgal respondents in the event they cannot secure legal representation, or secure it later.
(d) It requires the parties to be disciplined in focusing on what is really in dispute between them.
27 I have modified the content prescribed at [6.10] to reflect the fact the statements are being used in a separate question hearing on native title connection issues. However, the requirement in the Central Practice Note that the concise statements be "plain, concise and direct in every regard", "omit unnecessary repetition" and "do no more than summarise" is applicable to the concise statements to be filed for this hearing.
28 I accept this was not a matter expressly raised with the parties at the case management hearing. Accordingly, I have provided a mechanism in the orders by which, if any of the three key parties wishes to object to this method for the articulation of its case, a period of five working days will be given for that objection to be made, by way of submissions not exceeding three pages. I will then reconsider the order in light of the submissions made. If I decide to substitute another method for articulation of the parties' cases, the timetable set out in the present proposed orders will be maintained. As I foreshadowed at the case management hearing, only the key components of the Court's decision form final orders today. The remainder - relating to timing and programming - will be circulated for the parties' comments. However, the parties are reminded that the approach I have set out in these reasons reflects my views on the appropriate approach: what I am concerned to ensure by circulating part of the orders in draft is that nothing critical has been missed, and that the parties have no fundamental objections to the timing proposed.