Connection to country
21 It is often sufficient to summarise the connection material relied upon by the State and referred to in the joint submissions in providing reasons for a consent determination. In this case, having had the advantage of reading the submissions, I consider that the joint summary is instructive and worth recording in full in these reasons. Accordingly, I respectfully extract the joint summary in full as follows:
The Native Title Holders and system of law and custom
16. The members of the Warlangurru Native Title Holding Group (the Native Title Holders) hold and observe a system of traditional laws and customs by which they are affiliated with the Warlangurru Determination Area that is shared with a network of Nyikina and Walmajarri speakers, including the Noonkanbah native title holders to their south.
17. The laws and customs now observed have their origin in the laws and customs in operation at the date of both legal sovereignty (1829) and at the date of effective sovereignty in the Fitzroy valley region of the Kimberley. Effective sovereignty is the approximate year or years by which the acknowledgement and observance of traditional laws and customs by any Aboriginal peoples then occupying the Determination Area are likely to have been materially affected by the presence or activities of non-Aboriginal people; in this case the 1880s.
18. Evidence from the records demonstrates that Aboriginal people in this region were, and remain, multilingual; that there were, and are, intermarriages between Nyikina and Walmajarri people; that there were, and are, shared responsibilities for religious narratives and joint ritual activity that bind the speakers of both languages.
19. Dr de Rijke records that [d]uring fieldwork I was repeatedly reminded by the claimants of the close Nyikina-Walmajari relationship. He was told, for example, that Warlangurru is heavy Nyikina and heavy Walmajari mix, and we share Law; the Walmajari come to Nyikina, the Nyikina to Walmajari. [We have] ceremony together; put young boys through. Been together all the time.
Acquiring rights and interests in country
20. Dr de Rijke states that a number of principles regarding the acquisition of rights to land emerge from the early ethnography of the region being:
a. Descent;
b. Place of birth;
c. Conception totemism (jarin) and impregnation by spirit children (rai); and
d. Ritual induction and the possession of privileged sacred knowledge. Dr Eric Kolig, who worked in the Fitzroy Valley in the 1970s, found that [t]he idea that a few individual custodians, experts or religious owners can confer their personal rights to land, to other group members, is completely traditional.
21. The multiple pathways identified as applying pre-sovereignty are still recognised by contemporary claimants.
22. Dr de Rijke provides examples of contemporary jarin and rai affiliations both within and around the Warlangurru #1 claim area and notes that when at the Yungngora community where most of the claimants now live he observed eleven-year old children talking amongst themselves about their jarin.
23. Other claimants claim rights through the principle of descent from a forebear.
24. There is one further pathway for acquisition of rights in land identified by contemporary claimants, being the burial of a forebear on country. In the Warlangurru #1 claim area senior claimant Rosie Mulligan assert[s] rights to Calwynyardah [now Blina] at least partly on the basis of her father's brother [sic] burial there (this is Sandy Milmarri, who is Rosie's classificatory father who raised her). Sandy was a member of the regional normative society and was important in customary matters.
25. As Dr de Rijke notes, Rosie Mulligan also obtained privileged customary knowledge about the claim area from her forebears, and younger family members obtained jarin conception totems or were born in the claim area, hence also acquiring rights to the claim area in accordance with the principles identified in early ethnography.
26. Dr de Rijke opines that if burial of a forebear on country constitutes a post-contact pathway to the acquisition of rights in land, this is an adaptation in accordance with the pre-contact system which already allowed for flexibility in the acquisition of such rights. He also notes that the Mulligan family's claim to rights in the Blina area are acknowledged by others in the claim group and non-claimants spoken to at Noonkanbah.
Other laws and customs and continuity
27. Dr de Rijke notes that senior claimants have lived and worked on the claim area for many years some 'foot walking' the country with sheep in the past and thus knowing it intimately. Senior claimants are the children or grandchildren of the apical ancestors, hence it can be inferred that they would have been living, working and travelling on the pastoral leases with their ancestors and gained knowledge of traditional laws and customs from them. The traditional laws and customs acknowledged and observed include:
(a) Rainbow snake and Dreamings
Dr de Rijke states that the claimants were acutely aware of religious sites and areas of significance, the location of water, and recognised abundantly the various medicinal and other useful resources present. Water locations in particular are considered spiritually potent. Soak waters (juma) as well as swamps are considered to be inhabited by Galperu, the Rainbow snake, and are approached with due reverence, acknowledgement and introductions in language.
Dr de Rijke opines that the religious narratives of the Dreaming remain vitally important to claimants' understanding of the claim area.
(b) Kinship and social organisation
Dr de Rijke notes that [k]in terms and subsection terms are in common use among the claimants. 'Skin' names … continue to inform social interactions. … Ideal marriages between members of particular subsections are known, but not consistently practiced. So-called 'wrong' marriages are said to largely provoke 'growls' instead of major serious repercussions.
In-law avoidance is recognised, if not strictly observed.
Dr de Rijke opines that kinship terms continue to inform expected behaviour and thus normative content, a practice that is likely a substantial continuity with the past.
(c) Death and burial rituals
[S]pecified protocols and restrictions in personal movement referred to as 'sorry business' apply upon the death of a relative. Whilst such practices have changed post-contact, Dr de Rijke opines that 'sorry business' remains a distinctly tradition-based cultural protocol observed by claimants today.
(d) Permission and duty of care
Dr de Rijke notes that at locations on the claim area claimants loudly introduced themselves to spiritually imbued landscape. Such introductions are seen to ensure safety from potentially malicious spirits as well as manifesting a continuing recognition of cultural duties to care for the country. Part of this cultural duty is a requirement that strangers ask for permission to access and use resources in the claim area.
(e) Use of resources in the claim area
The claimants continue to visit the claim area regularly hunting, fishing, camping, collecting natural resources, and visiting sites of significance. Rules about sharing resources still apply, as Dr de Rijke notes [s]uch sharing was in evidence during fieldwork. when plain turkeys and goanna were hunted, cleaned, cooked, cut up, and distributed in particular ways.
(f) Exchange and trade
The Fitzroy Basin was traditionally involved in the wurnan exchange network, described by Dr de Rijke as a customary economic exchange system with pragmatic as well as religious components. Dr de Rijke records discussions with claimants about the contemporary exchange of items, sharing and gifts, both in the everyday context and in ceremonial 'Law time', and also about manufacturing and selling items such as boomerangs.
(footnotes omitted)
22 The State was satisfied, on the basis of the connection material that this application has a credible basis and that the claimants and their ancestors have maintained a presence in the determination area since the acquisition of British sovereignty.
23 The State was also satisfied that evidence of the claimants' and their ancestors' continuing physical or spiritual involvement in the determination area was sufficient to enable the State to conclude that this connection had not been severed.
24 Accordingly, the State was satisfied that the material considered was sufficient to evidence the maintenance of connection according to traditional laws and customs in the determination area.