The Review Application in the Tribunal
11 On 8 August 2011, the respondents filed an Application for Review of the delegate's decision in the Tribunal.
12 On 7 November 2011, the Tribunal conducted a hearing in relation to the respondents' Application for Review.
13 On 16 November 2011, the Tribunal affirmed the decision made by the delegate not to grant protection visas to the respondents.
14 Before the Tribunal, the respondents made the same claims as they had made in their applications for protection visas. At [26]-[38] of the Tribunal's Decision Record, the Tribunal summarised those claims. In the last dot point in [36], the Tribunal said:
Accordingly, the [respondents] claimed that they would be killed for entering into a mixed marriage against the wishes of their respective families. In addition, not only had the [respondents] personally dishonoured their families, but as the second-named [respondent's] uncles had daughters, if society learned of her dishonourable marriage, it would become impossible for her uncles to find husbands for the second-named [respondent's] female cousins. Therefore, the [respondents] claimed that they faced a real risk of being the victims of honour killings in India.
15 At [46]-[55], the Tribunal addressed the substance of relevant independent country information in its possession. In the course of dealing with relevant country information, the Tribunal adopted a practice of underlining certain passages in extracts from materials to which it referred for the purpose (apparently) of emphasising those passages.
16 At [52]-[55], the Tribunal addressed the topic of internal relocation within India. In those paragraphs, the Tribunal said:
52. Indian law provides for freedom of movement within the country, and the government generally respects this in practice. In late 2010, the government repealed the requirement for nationals and foreigners, apart from Pakistani and Chinese nationals, to apply for special permits to travel to Manipur, Mizoram and Nagaland. Such permits, however, are still required to travel to Jammu and Kashmir (United States Department of State 2011, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2010 - India, April 2011 - Accessed 2 November 2011). According to the United Kingdom Home Office, there are no checks on a newcomer to any part of India arriving from another part of India; local police have neither the resources nor the language abilities to undertake background checks on individuals relocating within India (United Kingdom Home Office 2010, Country of Origin Information Report - India, 21 September, Section 20).
53. In addition, according to the United Kingdom Home Office Operational Guidance Note of 2008, "as a general rule, an internal relocation option exists from one Indian State to another." Concluding the section on claimants who fear persecution from non-state agents as a consequence of their Christian, Muslim or Hindu religious faith, the Operational Guidance Note: India states:
The Indian constitution guarantees the rights of religious minorities and there are avenues open for individuals to seek protection from the authorities where they experience ill-treatment. Furthermore, there exists the option for those who encounter such difficulties to relocate internally. Therefore, it is unlikely that claimants in this category would qualify for asylum or Humanitarian Protection and such claims are likely to be clearly unfounded. An exception to this may be high-profile religious leaders in very specific and individual circumstances for whom there may not be a sufficiency of protection as detailed above, though these cases are likely to be extremely rare (United Kingdom Home Office 2008, Operational Guidance Note: India, April 2008, p. 12).
54. This guidance notes also states that internal relocation is not feasible where the applicant's fear of ill treatment lies with the central authorities. Relocation to a different area, however, is considered feasible where the applicant's fear is of local police and if the individual is not of interest to the central authorities (United Kingdom Home Office 2008, Operational Guidance Note - India, April, Section 3.6.10).
55. Notably, the 2011 United Kingdom Home Office country report also deals with the issue of internal relocation for Sikhs from Punjab, and the information provided is relevant to the issue of relocation generally. In particular, it states:
20.63 Sikhs would have unlimited access to housing in localities outside Punjab state to whatever extent they could afford it, as the main factor limiting access to housing is financial rather than religion, according to two sources consulted by the Canadian IRB in their response dated 18 January 2006. The report continues to state that Muslims experience the greatest discrimination in housing, not Sikhs, and although there may be isolated instances of discrimination against Sikhs in terms of housing, it is by no means a common occurrence. Citizens may buy agricultural land only in their state of residence except for Punjab state, where agricultural land may be purchased by Indian citizens living in any Indian state. It was thought by one source that the application of this law was mainly used against Sikhs and other religious minorities. (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 18 January 2006) [97c]
20.64 Upon relocation Sikhs would have indiscriminate access to employment dependent on their skill level. There may be isolated instances where an individual feels discriminated against because of a tendency by some firms to employ locally born and educated people. Sikhs would also have indiscriminate access to health care in states outside of Punjab although access depends largely on their financial situation and their proximity to an urban location. It was also agreed by two sources that Sikhs would have access to education outside of Punjab and again poverty is the main obstacle to education and proximity to an urban area affects the availability of education. (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 18 January 2006) [97c]
[Tribunal emphasis]
17 The underlining in [55] of the Tribunal's Decision Record is an example of the underlining which the Tribunal carried out at [48]-[55] of that Record.
18 At [57]-[124], the Tribunal summarised the oral evidence given by the respondents at the review hearing, including evidence given in response to an oral invitation to comment made by the Tribunal. In this section of its Decision Record, under the subheading The Issue of Relocation, at [82]-[84], the Tribunal said:
82. The first-named [respondent] confirmed that India has a population of more than a billion people. Notwithstanding, he stated that it was not possible for him and the second-named [respondent] to relocate within India if they were to return there. He stated that this was because he and the second-named [respondent] had established a new life in Australia independent of their respective families, something that was not possible within the social fabric of India. The first-named [respondent] stated that he would not be able to obtain employment outside the state of Punjab as his studies had related to the Punjab and were not relevant elsewhere.
83. In addition, the first-named [respondent] stated that he could not relocate to New Delhi because it has high crime rates, including a high incidence of rape. The first-named [respondent] conceded that he and the second-named [respondent] would not be found by their respective families in Mumbai, but be said that they would probably die from starvation and poverty there because they did not own any property, or have any income. As a result, the first-named [respondent] stated that regardless of whether he and the second-named [respondent] returned to the Punjab or Mumbai, they faced death.
84. The Tribunal asked the first-named [respondent] if, apart from his marriage to the second-named [respondent], he feared returning to India on any other basis. He responded that, other than his marriage, there were no other issues that gave rise to his fear.
19 At [111]-[112], under the subheading Country Information, the Tribunal said:
111. The Tribunal invited the [respondents] to comment upon the country information set out at paragraphs regarding relocation within India at paragraphs 50-53 above. In addition, the Tribunal noted there was little in the country information to indicate the Punjabi families perpetrated honour crimes outside the Punjab.
112. The Tribunal advised the [respondents] that this information was relevant to the review because, it might lead to a finding that they could relocate within India. As a result the Tribunal might find that the [respondents] were not persons to whom Australia owes protection obligations.
20 At [117]-[121], the Tribunal recorded the respondents' responses to the issue of relocation which had been put to them during the oral hearing before the Tribunal. At those paragraphs, the Tribunal said:
117. On the question of his oral evidence that their families would not find that [respondents] if they moved to Mumbai, the first-named [respondent] stated that had told the Tribunal that it was possible that they would not find them. The Tribunal observed that the first-named [respondent] had not qualified his oral evidence in this manner. The first-named [respondent] conceded that he had not done so, but that he had meant to convey that it was possible that the parties' respective families would not find them at first, but they would in time and then he and the second-named [respondent] faced a real chance of death.
118. As regards the occurrence of honour killings in India, the first-named [respondent] confirmed that the news articles he had submitted to the Tribunal all related to incidents that had taken place in the Punjab, rather than elsewhere in India.
119. In relation to the country information before the Tribunal regarding the option of relocation, the first-named [respondent] stated that he did not agree with it. He submitted that whilst there might be a freedom of movement within India, and that Sikhs could obtain employment, health care and housing outside the Punjab, the reality in India was very different. The first-named [respondent] reiterated that, unlike Australia, children could not readily live independently of their parents. He stated that he and the second-named [respondent] that could not live outside their social group because they did not have any property or money and, without the support of their local social network, it would be impossible for them to obtain the required references, or pay any bribes that might be required, to obtain employment elsewhere in India, including in New Delhi or Mumbai.
120. The Tribunal observed that both [respondents] were tertiary educated in India, spoke three languages, including the two official languages in India, and the first-named [respondent] had undertaken a hospitality course in Australia that provided him with additional practical skills. In addition, the Tribunal noted that there was a reasonably sized Sikh population in Mumbai. The first-named [respondent] that without assets, family support and an income, the [respondents] could not easily relocate within India, to New Delhi or Mumbai. He stated that all Sikhs had the same mindset that his father had and therefore he would not be welcomed into the Sikh community in Mumbai. In addition, there might be Sikhs there who knew his father and reported his whereabouts to his father in Barnala, increasing the risk of an honour killing.
121. The first-named [respondent] also noted that the pro-Hindu Shiv Sena group in Mumbai was actively opposed to anyone from outside Mumbai settling there, which added to the difficulties of relocation. The first-named [respondent] stated that if it were as easy to relocate as the country information indicated, then it raised the question why the victims of honour killings in the Punjab had not done so themselves. The second-named [respondent] added that it would be difficult for the first-named [respondent] to obtain employment in a patisserie in India because these were not widely eaten products in India.
21 In its Decision Record, immediately after dealing with the course of the oral hearing before the Tribunal, the Tribunal embarked upon its consideration of a separate and additional topic. That topic concerned Additional Country Information and was addressed under a heading expressed in those terms. For reasons which will shortly become apparent, the material under this latter heading ([125]-[132]) is at the heart of the present appeal. At those paragraphs, the Tribunal said:
Additional Country Information:
Shiv Sena:
125. According to the 2011 United Kingdom Country of Origin Information Report India, Shiv Sena (also known as Shiva's Army) was:
Founded 1966. A member of the National Democratic Alliance and said to be more hard-line than the BJP, Shiv Sena is based in Mumbai. [32m] The party is headed by one of India's most controversial Hindu nationalist leaders, Bal Thackeray. Secured 11 seats in the 2009 general election.
126. Human Rights Without Frontiers International describes Shiv Sena as follows:
The Shiv Sena (Army of Shiva) is a political party in India that was founded on 19 June, 1966 by Bal Thackeray. Thackeray has since resigned and given the post to his youngest son Uddhav Thackeraym, but despite this, he still maintains control of the party while his son handles its day to day affairs. The party emerged from a movement to increase the influence of the Marathis language in the Indian state of Maharashtra, where the party's primary base resides. The party has moved from its pro-Marathi platform to a broader Hindu nationalist agenda and has aligned itself with the BJP. Several Academics describe the SS as a militant nativist organization.
The SS maintains its Hindutya ideology and is a right-wing political party. It has been accused of instigating many riots in the state, including the Mumbai riots of the late 1960s, the Bhiwandi riots in 1984 and the Mumbai riots of 1992-93.
The SS upholds itself as a nationalistic party and claims to not discriminate against any religion. caste and creed. They profess to be willing to go to any extent to eliminate the traitors or enemies of India and supposedly have a suicide squad known as the Balidani Jatha. The squad has been involved in aggressive protests (Human Rights Without Frontiers International, 'India - Hindu Extremist Movements', Human Rights Without Frontiers International website, 31 January 2009)
[Tribunal emphasis]
Population Statistics and Official Languages:
127. The capital of India is New Delhi, with an estimated population of 12.8 million following the 2001 census. In addition, Mumbai with a population of approximately 16.4 million is considered to be India's most populated and one of its major cities (At paragraph 1.04 of the 2011 United Kingdom Country of Origin Information Report - India, 26 August 2011 and http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-12557386 - Accessed 7 November 2011).
128. As regards India's official languages, research undertaken by the Tribunal confirms that:
Due to rapid industrialization, and a bustling multinational influence in the economy, English continues to be a popular and influential means of communication in the government and day-to-day business, and moves to replace it have effectively been shelved (See 'List of National Languages of India',
http://www.wordig.com/definition/List of national languages of India - Accessed 7 November 2011)
[Tribunal emphasis]
129. In relation to the major languages spoken in New Delhi, research indicates:
Main Language of Delhi
Hindi is the official language of Delhi. As the city is dominated by the Hindu population, the majority of the people speak in Hindi. However the language is split up into several interesting dialects, which are popular among the people.
Languages of Delhi
The following languages are commonly spoken in the Delhi, the capital of India:
Urdu in Delhi is not only common but has a rich history of its own. Currently it is very popular in the area of Purani Dilli or Old Delhi, where a large number of Muslims reside.
Punjabi is one of the important languages of Delhi, which is widely spoken. The people who are conversant with it are the Punjabis and Sikhs in Delhi.
English in Delhi, is a language with which nearly all the inhabitants of the city are familiar. It is a popular means of communication, particularly among the youngsters. Tourists in the city have absolutely no problem in communicating with the local people as everyone from shopkeepers to travel guides and from taxi drivers to passers-by ·speak English very well.
…
Among the various languages in Delhi, Hindi and English are generally used as the common mediums of instruction
(See httn://www.mapsofindia.com/delhi/language.html
Accessed 7 November 2011).
[Tribunal emphasis]
130. As regards the languages spoken in Mumbai, research undertaken by the Tribunal indicates that, whilst Marathi is the most widely spoken language of its local inhabitants, Hindi is another popular language that is spoken and the educated elites of Mumbai converse in English
(See http://www.mapsofworld.com/cities/india/mumbai/language.html - Accessed November 2011).
Education:
131. The 2011 United Kingdom Country of Origin Information Report - India confirms (At paragraph 6.06) the first-named [respondent's] evidence that each state legislature in India makes its own laws in relation to matters such as education, health, taxation, public order and land. However, this report does not suggest that qualifications from one state of India would not be recognised elsewhere in India.
132. The 2011 United Kingdom Country of Origin Information Report - India report further confirms that political and bureaucratic corruption remain as significant problems in India:
Referring to corruption and criminality in the political system, Freedom House stated in its report Freedom in the World - India (2011), published on 5 July 2011:
"Political corruption continues to plague government efficiency in India ... Legal limits on electoral spending are invariably exceeded, with campaigns drawing on large amounts of 'black money' obtained through tax evasion and other means. Misdirection of funds meant for public goods and social programs has undermined overall progress on development. Though politicians and civil servants are regularly caught accepting such bribes or engaging in other corrupt behaviour, a great deal of corruption goes unnoticed and unpunished. The federal government has introduced a number of initiatives to address the problem, such as the 2005 Right to Information Act, internet-based government services and information, and accountability and transparency agreements between organizations and individuals, known as citizen charters ... A system of 'social audits' was intended to allow individuals and independent monitors to assess the public utility of government programs, but many reports indicate that local government officials distrust the program and attempt to thwart the inquiries (At paragraph 6.07).
[Tribunal emphasis]
22 The Tribunal began its explanation of its Findings and Reasons at [133] of its Decision Record. At [134]-[165], the Tribunal considered the protection claims in detail. At [165], the Tribunal concluded that, on balance, having regard to all the evidence before it, the respondents faced a real chance of serious harm from non-State agents, being members of their respective families, in the Punjab on the basis of their mixed marriage. The Tribunal accepted that this fear was based upon the fact that each of them had come from a different religion and caste and that the harm was sourced in their membership of a particular social group. The Tribunal was satisfied that the basis for the respondents' fear was Convention-related.
23 At [166]-[190], the Tribunal looked at the question of whether the respondents could safely relocate within India.
24 At [166]-[171], the Tribunal explained the relevant principles concerning relocation.
25 At [172], the Tribunal said that it considered that the respondents' claims were wholly localised to the Punjab area where there has been a history of honour killings where individuals have entered into inter-caste or inter-religious marriages without family approval.
26 At [173], the Tribunal noted that the respondents had contended at the hearing before the Tribunal that they would not be safe elsewhere in India because their families would track them down and kill them. The Tribunal disagreed with this assertion made by the respondents and did not accept that they would be tracked down by family members if they relocated to another State in India.
27 At [174], the Tribunal said:
Specifically, the Tribunal notes that whilst the country information from authoritative sources indicates that honour killings continue to be a problem in northern states like the Punjab, there was little in this information to indicate that Punjabi families perpetrated such crimes outside the Punjab. It also indicates that there is freedom of movement within India and few formal barriers to relocation.
28 At [176]-[191], the Tribunal set out in detail its reasons for concluding that the respondents could safely relocate within India, notwithstanding their protestations to the contrary. At those paragraphs, the Tribunal said:
176. Notwithstanding the [respondents'] claims to the contrary, the Tribunal notes that the relevant test is not whether it is "easy" for the [respondents] to relocate within India, but whether it is reasonable for them to do so, having regard to their particular circumstances.
177. In relation to the country information before it, the Tribunal does not agree with the [respondents'] submissions that it cannot be relied upon. Firstly, this information comes from authoritative sources. As a result, the Tribunal prefers it to the [respondents'] unsubstantiated claims in this regard.
178. Secondly, the country information set out at paragraph 52 above indicates that the local police do not have the resources, or language abilities to conduct background checks on individuals relocating to a new area from elsewhere in India.
179. Thirdly, despite the claimed political influence of the second-named [respondent's] uncle and family in the Punjab, the Tribunal notes that the [respondents] referred to this influence being tied to politicians and police officers in their local area. As a result, the Tribunal does not accept that they would be able to extend their influence beyond their local area this state to cities such as New Delhi or Mumbai, which are highly urbanised centres with multi-million populations.
180. The Tribunal has also taken into account the [respondents'] oral evidence that they do not face a risk of serious harm for any other reason other than their mixed marriage. It notes that they also both confirmed that, apart from the slow and sometimes corrupt nature of the Indian bureaucracy, they did not encounter any Convention-related difficulties in either having Indian passports issued to them, or when they departed India in March 2008. Whilst the Tribunal accepts that there is country information that political and bureaucratic corruption continue to be problems in India, it does not accept that, based on the [respondents'] own evidence, they are of any interest to the central authorities in India. Further, they did not cast their fears in terms of the central authorities at all.
181. As a result, the Tribunal prefers the independent country information before it to the [respondents'] unsubstantiated claims in this regard. Accordingly, the Tribunal does not accept· that it should disregard the country information regarding the ability of the [respondents] to relocate within India from the Punjab, to a large population centre such as New Delhi or Mumbai.
182. On the question of whether the [respondents'] relocation to one of these cities in India would be reasonable, the Tribunal notes that the [respondents] have lived in Australia since March 2008, and a both tertiary educated and speak 3 languages, including the two official languages in India. In addition, the first-named [respondent] has acquired additional skills in the field of patisserie specifically, and hospitality generally, and he has previous work experience as a tutor in India. Furth [sic], both [respondents] stated in their Protection visa applications that they could obtain employment in India as teachers.
183. At the Tribunal hearing the [respondents] put forward a number of reasons why it was not reasonable to expect them to relocate within India, claiming that they would not be able to survive if they did so.
184. They contended that they would not be able to obtain employment and housing outside the Punjab because they could not live independently of their families, given the social structure within India. The Tribunal does not accept this particular submission. Whilst the Tribunal recognises that the [respondents] will not be able to access the financial and emotional support of their families in the Punjab, if they return to another area of India, such as New Delhi or Mumbai, or another larger city in India, the Tribunal finds that they have the education background and language skills to relocate successfully.
185. The [respondents] submitted that their education qualifications were not valid outside the Punjab. The Tribunal accepts that each state legislature in India makes its own laws in relation to education. However, based on the country information set out at paragraphs 55 and 131 above, the Tribunal does not accept the [respondents'] arguments that qualifications obtained in one state of India will not receive any recognition elsewhere in India.
186. Correspondingly, the Tribunal acknowledged that there are a range of languages spoken in India's different states. However, the [respondents] in this case can communicate in 3 languages: Punjabi, English and Hindi, the latter two representing the official languages in India. Further, the country information indicates that Punjabi is widely spoken in New Delhi, along with English and Hindi. Similarly, Hindi is spoken in Mumbai and the educated elites in Mumbai converse in English.
187. The Tribunal has had regard to the [respondents'] claims regarding the right-wing Shiv Sena political party, which is based in Mumbai. However, even if this became a particular issue for the [respondents] in Mumbai, there is little in the country information to suggest that the [respondents] would have to suppress their religious views if they lived in New Delhi.
188. Accordingly, on balance, weighing each of these matters together, the Tribunal finds that the [respondents'] internal relocation within India would be reasonable in the circumstances.
189. In making its findings the Tribunal has taken into account the submission that both [respondents] have suffered from depression, given the lack of family approval of their relationship, as well as the concern that the second-named [respondent] would rather commit suicide than forcibly be parted from the first-named [respondent].
190. However, whilst the Tribunal understands that returning to India may be stressful for the [respondents], the Tribunal finds that the option of relocation to New Delhi, Mumbai or another major city in India is available to them, obviating the possibility that others would force them to separate as spouses against their wishes. The Tribunal also notes that it discussed relevant issues at length with the [respondents] and it is of the view that they had a real opportunity to describe why they fear returning to India.
191. Accordingly, having considered the [respondents'] claims individually and cumulatively, based on matters set out above, the Tribunal finds that the [respondents] do not have a well-founded fear of persecution within the meaning of the Convention.
29 The Tribunal concluded that the decision of the delegate should be affirmed because the respondents could safely relocate within India.