Traditional laws and customs
62 There must be a factual basis sufficient to support the assertion that there exist traditional laws acknowledged by, and traditional customs observed by, the claim group, which laws and customs give rise to the Native Title claim. That factual basis must be capable of demonstrating that:
· there are traditional laws and customs;
· acknowledged or observed by the Native Title claim group; and
· giving rise to the group's claim to Native Title rights and interests.
63 The decision in Yorta Yorta (supra) demonstrates that the requirement that the laws and customs be traditional means that they must have their source in a pre-sovereignty society and have been observed since that time by a continuing society. The applicant submits that this does not lead to the conclusion that the apical ancestors must have comprised a society. I accept that submission. I will say a little more about it at a later stage.
64 The Delegate concluded that "effective sovereignty" occurred at about 1850-1860. I infer that he meant that European occupation occurred at about that time. That conclusion was a step in the process of identifying established laws and customs as at the time of sovereignty. No doubt the applicant would argue that the position in 1850-1860 was probably much as it was in 1788. The Delegate noted that there had been massacres of Aboriginal people in the area subsequent to 1850-1860 so that the Gudjala People 'were subject to at least dislocation in, or disposition of, parts of their country.' The Delegate then observed that:
'There is virtually no factual base provided from which could be established the existence of a normative society at that time, nor subject to the next paragraph, what the content of the laws and customs now asserted were prior to or even after sovereignty. Nor is there any material from which I could safely draw inferences about their content or the society that existed at sovereignty.'
65 Broadly speaking, the task is to identify the existence in 1850-1860 of a society of people, living according to identifiable laws and customs, having a normative content. I take that to mean that such laws and customs must establish normal standards of conduct or, perhaps, be prescriptive of such standards.
66 There can be no relevant traditional laws and customs unless there was, at sovereignty, a society defined by recognition of laws and customs from which such traditional laws and customs are derived. The starting point must be identification of an indigenous society at the time of sovereignty or, for present purposes, in 1850-1860. The applicant criticizes the Delegate for seeking to find a society of which the three apical ancestors were members. It submits that it is not necessary to show that they were such members. That is correct. The apical ancestors are used only to define the claim group. However, as I have previously observed, at some point the applicant must explain the link between the claim group and the claim area. That process will certainly involve the identification of some link between the apical ancestors and any society existing at sovereignty, even if the link arose at a later stage. I infer that the Delegate understood it to be the applicant's case that the apical ancestors were members of the relevant society simply because no other society was identified in the Application.
67 The applicants' claim should be understood as relating to the larger Core Country claim area. The relevant society should be sought in that larger area. I commence with the evidence concerning the apical ancestors. Ms McLean associates Topsy Hann with Maryvale Station. Mr Hagan also identifies her with Bluff Downs and Sandy Creek, north of the Great Basalt Wall. Mr Santo associates Maggie Thompson with Lolworth Range. She went to Bluff Downs after European settlement. Mr Hagan also identifies her with the Great Basalt Wall. He identifies Alice Anning with Bluff Downs but offers no factual basis for that opinion.
68 Maryvale Station is about 50 or 60 km north-west of the Great Basalt Wall and about 60 km from Toomba. Bluff Downs is about 30 km north of the Great Basalt Wall, about 35 km from Toomba and about 50 km north of the Lolworth Range. As far as I am aware there is no evidence of any known connection between the three apical ancestors, save for their presence in this relatively large area. Obviously, none of these women lived in isolation. Each had parents and, apparently, children. One may infer that they had siblings and other members of extended families. Both Ms Hann and Ms Thompson seem to have lived on stations. There is no evidence as to the relationship between station owners and indigenous employees on the one hand, and any pre-existing indigenous society on the other. One is inclined to infer that, in 1850-1860, there were groups of indigenous people in the area, but there is no evidence concerning them. There is certainly no factual basis for inferring that there was a society defined by its acknowledgement and observation of laws and customs. Mr Hagan says that there is documentary evidence of Gudjala interest in the claim area, but the factual basis of that information is not given.
69 There is only scant evidence of contact in modern times amongst the family groups identified by Mr Hagan. Mr Santo says that his family 'has the closest contact on Country with other clan groups known as the Huen, Kerr and Masso families'. Apart from that statement there are two slight references to such contact. In an earlier affidavit Mr Santo referred to a woman called Lilly Smith whom he called "Granny Kerr", suggesting that she may have been connected to the Kerr family. There is also a suggestion of a link between Mr Santo's apical ancestor Maggie Thompson and Ms McLean's apical ancestor Topsy Hann. Mr Santo said that Ms Thompson was taken in by the wife of the owner of Bluff Downs station, Mrs Hann. It may be that Topsy Hann's name was derived from that source.
70 On the material presently available, I find no factual basis supportive of an inference that there was, in 1850-1860, an indigenous society in the area, observing identifiable laws and customs. For the purposes of subs 190B(5), it is not necessary to go further. However I should say something about the evidence concerning the broader question of whether there are now traditional laws and customs, acknowledged and observed by the claim group, which have their origin at or before European occupation of the area. Again, the evidence is scant. Ms McLean asserts that she helps to teach young people about 'ancestors, laws and customs' but does not identify them. She says, however, that she expects to be consulted about certain matters affecting the community.
71 In his earlier affidavit Mr Santo asserts that his Aunt Quinny took him, as a child, to places in the claim area. She taught him rules of conduct such as that he should not throw rocks into the water as it is disrespectful. She taught him how to fish using local plants to stun the fish. She told him not to take all of the fish home, but rather to leave some as an offering. He has been taught other skills such as finding mussels, collecting plants and fruit, following and cooking porcupines and catching and cooking turtles. He speaks of being frightened to enter bora rings. He has taken his nephews and other Gudjala children to visit old grave sites and to go fishing.
72 In his later affidavit Mr Santo refers to his people as Gurrdjalburra and his country as Gurrdjal. However I will continue to refer to the Gudjala people and Gudjala country. In that affidavit he identifies the land which he understands to be Gudjala country. I assume for present purposes that the description more or less fits that contained in the Core Country claim and the present Application. He also identifies "neighbours", namely the Mungbarra, the Mbara, the Gugu Badhun, the Nyawaigi, the Wulgurakaba, the Bindal, the Birri, the Jangga, the Wakel, the Yilba and the Yirandali centred around Hughenden. He says that he and the Gudjala People generally have close relations with the Yirandali and Gugu Badhun peoples, mainly by way of permitted inter-marriage. However the Yirandali have quite different customs and laws. Tribes on the eastern side of the Gudjala country have a completely different language and different customs. His knowledge of the boundaries of Gudjula country was derived from elders. It is passed on 'with paintings'. This seems to mean that each tribe or clan has its distinctive style of painting, depending on available ochre. Mr Santo's family has its closest contacts on country with the Huen, Kerr and Masso clans. In the Hughenden area his family has contacts with the Anderson, Major, Logan and Broome families. In the Mt Garnett area Mr Santo has had contact with the Morganson and Rose families. He has also had contact with the Gertz family in Townsville.
73 Mr Santo has learnt various aspects of folklore from the elders, including certain Aboriginal place names. He seeks to maintain and teach the culture of his people for the benefit of younger generations. He has also written books. As to laws and customs he says that there are certain areas where persons who are not Gudjala are not allowed to enter 'as much for their own safety as for the purposes of not damaging country or desecrating inadvertently our sacred sites.' Each family is custodian of an area and has its own "business" (knowledge and responsibilities) in that area. He says that as a "Gurrdjal" he does not have to ask permission to be on, or walk on Gudjala country or to burn on country. The Queensland Parks and Wildlife Department consults the Gudjala people about burning. They have intimate knowledge of flora and fauna and the whereabouts of sacred and culturally valuable sites. They also supply manpower to assist in burning.
74 Mr Santo says quite a lot about food-gathering. Traditionally, only men may eat emu, and only after initiation. One may not eat one's totem animal or bird. Pregnant women and youths are not generally prohibited from eating various foods, save that women in certain clans may not eat pigeon. He also says a little about natural medicines and fishing methods. He claims to know many tracks which 'the old people used to walk'. He walked on them in his youth. Many of them lead to meeting places.
75 Mr Santo says that he received his claims to country through Maggie Thompson, his great grandmother but does not say how this occurred. He says that country is derived by everyone born on the land in the same way. The law requires that it be traceable through the full blood line. He says that every family is entitled to the whole of the country, but that traditionally, because of its vastness, each family is custodian of part of it. They come together for ceremonial business, including marriages within the clans. Marriage is undertaken strictly according to the 'skin rules'. He says that the acquisition of rights to country by reason of parents being buried there is not in accordance with traditional law. One must ask for permission to bury on country. Parents are buried on country in order to preserve their spirits. It is possible under traditional law to acquire rights to country by birth. However one must have lived there and be accepted as part of a clan group. Acceptance may be acquired by length of residence and initiation procedures formalizing acceptance into the clan. Acceptance needs to come from the elders. Certain obligations are imposed. Rules as to what is men's business and what is women's business must be understood, as well as all other cultural codes. This evidence suggests that rights to land are generally dependent upon descent, but that other factors may be relevant.
76 Men are hunters and protectors of country. Women are protectors of the domestic arrangements among the family - they keep the families together. Mr Santo claims to look after an important part of the country, namely the Basalt area. That is where the fire serpent lives. He has undertaken heritage surveys since 1978. He is required to protect White Mountain, the Great Basalt Wall, Lolworth Range, Fletcher Range, Dalrymple National Park and other less well-known areas. It is his and his people's duty to look after country in accordance with law and culture. When he is away, his extended family performs his obligations. It is not easy to know which persons belong to the country. Each family, alone, knows where it originated. The law requires that each family keep up its knowledge. In the olden days each group had a recorder, a person whose task it was to record or remember things concerning kinships. With the death of such recorders some history was lost, but much was maintained through oral history. Station owners also took photographs and kept diary notes and various administrative records.
77 Persons who are lawfully married into a claim group have the same rights and interests as other members of the claim group. If they are not married into the claim group, they have no rights or interests in the country. The ruling persons in Gudjala country are the elders. Each family has elders. Their decisions are binding and accepted by all. Conflicts are avoided or resolved, mainly by use of body language. If that fails then direct physical action may be used. Family meetings are held on a regular basis, usually weekly. Mr Santo also discusses family relationships, in particular methods of address, the practice of sharing food amongst family members and accommodation. There are rules regarding behaviour towards mothers-in-law. The old custom was that once initiated, a man might not speak to his mother-in-law. There are rules as to whom a person may or may not marry. Those rules were previously strictly enforced. Even today it is considered bad to ignore the skin rules. Under the old customs you would be punished and banished from the tribe. If the wife were pregnant she, the unborn child and the husband would all be killed. Currently, people may marry 'the wrong way', usually because they do not understand the kinship relationship. Mr Santo gives information concerning ceremonies, initiation, myths and painting and about burial customs.
78 Although in connection with many of these matters Mr Santo refers to 'the old days', the information generally seems to be descriptive of the current position. Much of it may well have been handed down to him as oral tradition, but there is nothing in the affidavit material which would link those laws and traditions to any particular time in the period since 1850-1860 or, in particular, to that period. A certain amount of Mr Santo's evidence might be said to describe laws and customs which are normative in nature. Although some of it asserts rights and interests in land, none of it identifies traditional laws and customs derived from a pre-sovereignty society, which support or justify the claim group's claims. It is impossible to understand why descendants of the identified apical ancestors have rights and interests in the land whereas others have not.
79 Mr Hagan asserts that it may reasonably be concluded that the claimed area belongs to the Gudjala People. The basis for this opinion is by no means clear. He commences his discussion of traditional laws and customs by reference to writings concerning north-west Queensland. He cites a passage from 1883 concerning that area. In it the writer asserts that tribal boundaries were sufficiently well-known to provide landmarks for people entering neutral or "debatable" ground. It was said that their understanding of such things evidenced a concept of priority and antiquity, a principle of the passage of such interests through descent or affiliation, principles of territoriality - that people belong in particular places, and a concept of shared interest or neutrality. This relates to the possibility of overlapping areas of interest. Mr Hagan also refers to the writings of WE Roth who speaks of the general government of the community lying in the hands of an assembly of elders. However there is no reason to believe that he was speaking of the Gudjala people.
80 As to the present situation in the claim area, Mr Hagan asserts that when speaking amongst themselves the members of the various families demonstrate the existence of contemporary laws which are important and generally observed. He refers to the view that ancestry provides the primary overtly expressed rule for recognition of membership of land-related groups. It is said to follow that:
'The indigenous community associated with the Gudjala area have clearly not abandoned the legal principles on which their system of land tenure is based and continue to today to be guided by laws and customs which have their origin in pre-contact time.'
81 Unfortunately he offers no real basis for this inference. Whilst Mr Hagan may describe a society having apparently traditional laws and customs, there is no basis for inferring that they originated in any pre-sovereignty society. It may be that some or all of them have been handed down through two or more generations, but it is impossible to say any more than that. The real deficiencies in the Application are twofold. Firstly, it fails to explain how, by reference to traditional law and customs presently acknowledged and observed, the claim group is limited to descendants of the identified apical ancestors. Secondly, no basis is shown for inferring that there was, at and prior to 1850-1860, a society which had a system of laws and customs from which relevant existing laws and customs were derived and traditionally passed on to the existing claim group.