EGW17 v Minister for Immigration, Citizenship, Migrant Services and Multicultural Affairs
[2021] FCA 1177
At a glance
Source factsCourt
Federal Court of Australia
Decision date
2021-09-29
Before
Farrell J
Source
Original judgment source is linked above.
Judgment (22 paragraphs)
Introduction 1 EGW17 arrived in Australia in March 2013 as an "unauthorised maritime arrival". 2 A delegate of the Minister for Home Affairs (then the responsible Minister) refused to grant EGW17 a Class XE Subclass 790 Safe Haven Enterprise visa (SHEV) on 18 November 2016. The Immigration Assessment Authority (or IAA) affirmed the delegate's decision. 3 The Federal Circuit Court of Australia (FCCA) dismissed EGW17's application for judicial review of the IAA's decision. The FCCA Judge's reasons for doing so were published as EGW17 v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2019] FCCA 653 (Reasons or J). 4 Now before the Court is EGW17's appeal from the FCCA Judge's decision. That appeal turns on whether the FCCA Judge fell into appellable error in considering whether there was jurisdictional error in the way the IAA (in a decision made on 23 August 2017) dealt with country information relating to the risk of serious harm to a person who is of Hazara ethnicity and Shia Muslim religion in Afghanistan, and more particularly, in Kabul. 5 It is now well known that by late August 2021, the Taliban had gained control of Kabul and most of Afghanistan during the final withdrawal of international armed forces from Afghanistan. However, it is not open to the Court to take that fact into account on this appeal.
Delegate's decision 6 Among other things, the delegate said the following in his assessment of the risk to EGW17 as a Shia/Hazara upon his return to Kabul as at 18 November 2016 (footnotes removed): Regarding the security situation for Hazaras in Kabul, a 2016 DFAT report on Hazaras stated that Hazaras face a degree of societal discrimination in Afghanistan. DFAT also stated in a September 2015 report in Kabul that ethnic based violence in Kabul was rare. In July 2016 there was an attack on a demonstration by Hazaras claimed by Islamic State that killed 80 Hazaras and injured over 200 more. The attack was targeted at Shia Hazaras and it has been reported that it was possibly aimed at inciting sectarian or racial conflict. There was a more recent attack on Shia Hazaras on the eve of religious holiday Ashura, 11 October 2016, with reports of sixteen to nineteen dead. That being said, since the fall of the Taliban in 2001 such attacks targeting Shias or Hazaras simply on the basis of race or religion have been extremely rare in Kabul. I also note that country information suggests that "instances of sectarian violence have represented more the very occasional exception than the rule." The recent attacks were the first since the December 2011 bombings of Shia places of worship in Kabul, Kandahar and Mazar-e Sharif, which killed a number of worshipers and which were claimed by a Pakistani terrorist group. Whilst the latest attacks, all of which have been linked to ISKP, are tragic and raise the spectre of sectarianism in the Afghan conflict, based on the current situation I am not satisfied these attacks represent a substantive change in the nature of the conflict such as to render the earlier assessments by DFAT and other commentators void. I note recent commentary by independent research organisation Afghanistan Analysts Network stated the following: 'ISKP's sectarianism is worrying. Yet it is unlikely that it can single-handedly drive the conflict in a sectarian direction. There are many other, reassuring factors which would hopefully prevent the war morphing into the sort of violent religious schism seen in Iraq, Syria, Yemen and Pakistan'. I have considered a number of reports of Hazaras being kidnapped or killed in other parts of Afghanistan in recent years by the Taliban or other insurgent groups (including Islamic State). While it would appear in most of the cases that the reasons for the killings were not simply based on their Hazara ethnicity or Shia religion, I accept that the victims' race and religion has been a contributing factor for some of these incidents. These incidents however have all occurred in rural areas with a strong, active Taliban or other insurgent group presence and none in Kabul. I have taken into consideration the latest (April 2016) UNHCR guidelines for Afghanistan, which noted issues of discrimination and a significant increase in harassment, intimidation, kidnappings and killings of Hazaras in the country. I am not satisfied that these guidelines suggest that all Hazaras face a real chance of persecution throughout Afghanistan, particularly in Kabul. I note that any analysis that Hazaras do not face persecution throughout Afghanistan, including in Kabul has been rejected by Professor William Maley of the Australian National University and others. Whilst I acknowledge … the differing opinions of Professor Marley [sic] and others, I give more weight to the latest UNHCR guidelines, DFAT reports, and reports on Hazaras from other countries as I find these to be sources of more authority, and these sources do not support a finding that all Hazaras face a real chance of persecution throughout Afghanistan on account of their race and/or religion including in Kabul. In Kabul, as discussed above, no single ethnic group has a majority and Hazaras are one of the dominant ethnic groups together with Tajiks and Pashtuns, and have a well-established community there. … While I accept that there has been a decrease in the overall security situation in Afghanistan, including in Kabul, in the last couple of years, including the tragic incident in July 2016 which killed 80 Hazara protesters in Kabul, I am nonetheless not satisfied that ordinary Shia Hazaras in Kabul face a real chance of persecution on the basis of their religion and ethnicity alone. Considering all of the above, I find that [EGW17] would not face any real chance of serious harm if he returned to Kabul on account of his Shia religion or his Hazara race. Country information cited by the delegate includes: A report of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), "DFAT Thematic Report Hazaras in Afghanistan 2015-16 update", 8 February 2016 (DFAT's February report); A report by the Afghan Analysts Network, "With an Active Cell in Kabul, ISKP Tries to Bring Sectarianism to the Afghan war", 19 October 2016 (AAN October report); and "UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum Seekers from Afghanistan", 19 April 2016 (UNHCR April guidelines).