39 Though a decision involving only factual evaluations may thus be flawed with reviewable error of law, the task of fact-finding is committed to the Tribunal and this Court can intervene only if the Tribunal's decision is infected with error of law. It is not always a simple task to determine whether, in view of the way it has dealt with material before it, the Tribunal has made a non-reviewable error of fact or a reviewable error of law in the course of its fact-finding process by ignoring relevant information or by acting on irrelevant information. But if it can be seen that the decision-maker has identified information as having significance to the decision it has to make (because it is capable of affecting the decision), but has misunderstood its probative effect or has otherwise misused that information in arriving at its decision, that will I think, at least in general, be an error of fact beyond judicial review. If, however, it can be seen that the decision-maker has overlooked or otherwise ignored information significant to that decision, that, I think, will be properly characterised as an error in the decision-making process constituted by a failure to take into account a relevant consideration and thus a reviewable error of law within s 476(1)(e).
40 As Yusuf shows, where the decision-maker is, like the Refugee Review Tribunal, bound by statute to set out the findings which it regards as critical to its ultimate decision and to give reasons for arriving at that decision, whether such an error of law has occurred in a particular case will commonly depend for its exposure on what emerges from an examination of the reasons given by the decision-maker and of the information before it.
41 I consider that the Tribunal made an error of law because it ignored relevant material, viz, the statements made by the applicant in his visa application and in oral evidence to the Tribunal to the effect if not in express words that, as a Catholic, he, together with his family, was seen by Muslim ethnic Albanians as their enemy. That the Tribunal can be said to have ignored this material is, I think, established by the Tribunal's assertion that he did not even make such a claim and by the Tribunal's failure to mention these assertions by the applicant in its reasons (save that it did early in its reasons note the applicant's claim about why his home was bombed). I do not think the Tribunal's reasons are consistent with the Tribunal having been alert to what the applicant had to say in this regard but having assessed his claims in a factually erroneous way as not amounting to a claim by the applicant that he feared harm because he was perceived to be an enemy with the Muslims. For the reasons given, I do not think the principle of judicial restraint in scrutinising the Tribunal's reasons for possible error is infringed by subjecting the Tribunal's reasons to the sort of examination which I have undertaken.
42 The Tribunal's finding that, in effect, there was no such perception attaching to the applicant was of critical importance to its ultimate conclusion adverse to him: that was one of the grounds it gave for its view that the bombing of his home did not have an ethnic or religious motive. If it had had regard to what the applicant said about being seen to be an enemy of the Muslims, the Tribunal might have reached a different conclusion about the motivation for the bombing and would then have been confronted with powerful evidence of past persecution of an extreme kind in a case in which it accepted as reliable information from US government and other sources showing that Muslim persecution of Catholics continued in Kosovo through the latter half of 1999 well into 2000. By ignoring this information from the applicant, the Tribunal also found support for its critical conclusion that, by reason of the "dramatic" changes in Kosovo since the applicant's departure, he no longer had a well-founded fear of persecution if he were to return to Kosovo. It is apparent that the Tribunal did not resolve the case against the applicant solely on the basis that the situation in Kosovo had so changed since his departure that he could no longer be said to have a well-founded fear of persecution for that reason alone. The Tribunal considered it necessary to take into account not only the changed circumstances, but the fact, as it saw it, that the applicant "has not claimed that he or his family have come under suspicion of collaboration with the Serbs", ie, by their Muslim follow ethnic Albanians. But in finding support for its conclusion based on the changes in Kosovo that the applicant was not perceived to be a Serb collaborator, it ignored the fact that he had made a claim tantamount to that, viz, to be the object of Muslim enmity because of his religion.
43 Why the Tribunal felt the need to take into account this second consideration is, I think, clear enough from its reasons. The material it relied on to conclude that there has been a relevant change in circumstances in Kosovo since the applicant's departure demonstrates the reality of changes at the political level that justify an optimistic view for the future for Kosovo. But that same material, all set out in the Tribunal's reasons, is full of accounts of continuing ethnic and religious harassment and violence and full of reservations about just how uncertain is the future for Kosovo, as an area torn by recent ethnic and religious violence.
44 This material includes four reports by the Reuters News Service in the period 20 October to 3 November 2000. These reports focus on the national elections held in September 2000, and the subsequent ouster of the government of Slobodan Milosevic in early October and on the municipal elections conducted by international administrators in Kosovo in late October 2000. The optimism in the reports centres on the fact that these are the first democratic elections ever held in Kosovo. But there is much in the passages set out by the Tribunal in its reasons from this material that suggests that the Tribunal's conclusion from this material "that the situation [in Kosovo] has changed dramatically since the applicant's departure" cannot be accepted as other than a highly optimistic evaluation of the applicant's prospects of enjoying freedom from harm at the hands of his Muslim fellow ethnic Albanians if he were to return to Kosovo.
45 The report of 29 October 2000 on the then recent elections in Kosovo comments at some length on the continuing tensions between the ethnic Albanians and the Serbs in Kosovo. It states: