72 Ms Beverley Prevatt Goldstein has studied, taught and published on the topic of race and ethnicity in childcare and placement, including in particular adoption and fostering. She is one of the authors of Race and Ethnicity: A consideration of issues for black, minority ethnic and white children in family placement, a practice guide for British agencies for adoption and fostering. Its basal premises include that placements should meet the individual needs of each child in respect of health, education, identity, family and social relationships, social presentation, emotional and behavioural development and self-care skills; and that the (UK) legislative requirement to consider racial origin, culture, religion and language applies to every child in every placement. In chapter 6, entitled "Identity and Self Esteem", the authors wrote:
Identity and self-esteem are not mentioned in UK legislation but have underpinned the concern with the "racial origin, culture, language and religion". They are, however, an explicit part of the assessment framework for all children as demonstrated by the LAC materials (Department of Health, 1995), the Working Together to Safeguard Children document (Department of Health et al, 1999) and the framework for assessing children in need (Department of Health et al, 2000). The Utting Report (1997) states:
A positive sense of identity, of being somebody, of belonging to oneself, is an inner strength which provides the strongest personal defence against harm. Helping children achieve that identity … ought to be the explicit objective of any organisation entrusted with the care of children. This sense of identity is derived from membership of family and other groups with similar values with which early life experience is shared. Detachment from family and culture plainly impairs its development; membership of a distinctive or disadvantaged community may compound the difficulties; in the case of black children, their situation is further aggravated by the pervasive effects of racism (p113).
73 In chapter 10, entitled "Placement of black children: specific guidelines", the authors advise that a black family is more likely to provide a black child of the same ethnic background with positive black attachment figures which the child can internalise, with an environment where the black child is normal rather than exceptional, with a range of black role models coping with everyday life, and with a resource for ways of coping with and challenging racism. Additionally, such a family with similar culture, religion, language and class to the child is likely to provide continuity of some aspects of the child's heritage; access to aspects of culture not available in the dominant society that involves ways of being and seen as well as ways of doing; access to some of the symbols which enables the child to fit comfortably if they so wish with their ethnic group; and a secure and informed framework in which to reject or adapt aspects of their heritage. On the topic of placement in a white family, the authors say:
There will be gaps in what most white families can offer a black child, because of dissimilarities in "racial" identity, a lack of shared experience of racism, an inability to provide black primary attachment figures as well as some of the other factors noted above. These gaps may be particularly damaging to children who will already have experienced separation, loss and discontinuity (Prevatt Goldstein, 1997). There can also be a qualitative difference between black perspectives being an integral part of the home environment and approach of the principal carer, and being only occasionally made available to the child (Kirton & Woodger, 1999).
Delay is an important factor and drift in the care system must be avoided for all children. There should be a clear plan for each child and individual time scales. Social workers, having made intensive attempts to locate a black family, and in consultation with specialist black practitioners, may deem it in the best interests of a particular black child to be placed with a white family. Adoption Now: Messages from Research (Department of Health, 1999) advocates that:
…such discretion has to be exercised within a framework of policy about what is normally expected. The question arises as to how far the reasons for failing [to observe these policy injunctions] are analysed and justified. (p116).
It is essential that such placements remain exceptional, and that the placement decisions are analysed, justified and authorised by senior management.
Kirton & Woodger (1999) and Thoburn et al (1998, p28) indicate that some white families can successfully parent black children. The available research suggests that these white families and their extended families must be able to demonstrate an active understanding of the developing needs of the black child; an understanding of racism; commitment to challenging racism and discrimination; the provisional development of networks which can include those of their own extended family or of their child's birth relatives; and enable the child to have access to cultural frameworks which will provide continuity for the child.
Nevertheless, the task must not be underestimated as some white families may, despite their best efforts, have difficulty in sustaining these throughout their child's childhood into adulthood. Kirton & Woodger (1999, pp 74-6) and Thoburn et al (1998, pp 34-41) provide a detailed guidance on the assessment and support needed for all families engaged in parenting black children. Kirton & Woodger (1999) warn that a one-off training program is unlikely to engender any fundamental and lasting change in attitude and the careful assessment by aware and competent workers of foster carers' and adoptive parents' current attitudes, with examples, is needed.
74 Ms Prevatt Goldstein gave the following evidence:
Q. As I understand your opinion overall, the most significant I think you described as vital elements that are potentially missing from what is otherwise a satisfactory parenting relationship at the moment are, first of all, the opportunity to know and have a relationship with the birth mother?
A. Mmm.
Q. Secondly, an opportunity to learn the child's culture from someone who knows and is part of that culture and, thirdly, the ability to build defences or protections from the threat of racism in the future. Is that basically right?
A. I think so. I would also add about identity in there somewhere,
Q. I will add identity and culture, yes.
A. Mmm. Mmm.
Q. If the child were to remain with Mr and Mrs F, living with them though not necessarily under an adoption order, but have much more extensive contact with D than she presently has, would that go a considerable way to addressing the issues about knowing and having a relationship with the birth mother and learning her culture and identity?
A. I think it would go a considerable way. I think it would not be the same and it would require an openness from Mr and Mrs F, which is a lot to ask. It would require an openness ideally, an openness to D, an openness to her extended family so the child has the opportunity of knowing not just one way of being black or being Dinka or being Sudanese, but a range of ways so that she can develop her own way, which of course would be part of her wider Australian identity and, in a sense, I think if her parents - her adoptive parents are so open to contact, to contact the extended family, to understand the issues of racism, in a sense for me I think this - and perhaps this is what I was talking about earlier about giving up some of the privileges of being white, that kind of openness to the black community, but I do think it is not easy to obtain and it asks a great deal of adoptive parents or parents with parental responsibility.
75 Ms Prevatt Goldstein referred to research findings that children who had been placed trans-racially were much more likely than those in same race placements to have felt different to their adoptive families while growing up, and more likely to be classified as "alienated" or "differentiated", and less likely to be classified as "integrated", in terms of their adoptive experience, and that intensity of identity issues was often more pronounced among those who had been in trans-racial placements, and was less likely to have been resolved by contact. She thought that this suggested that, if placed with Mr and Mrs F, E would not be able to reconnect in the long term with her mother D's culture. She accepted that some children had positive outcomes in trans-racial placements, but thought that the research (particularly Brooks & Barth, 1999, on which Professor Katz relied) overestimated the positive outcomes: first, by interviewing only the adoptive parents but not the children, or if the children were interviewed at all only while they were unable to speak negatively about the adoptive parents; and secondly, by prioritising material and educational benefits while minimising the importance of a sense of self. She observed that a positive outcome appeared more likely if the adoptive parents lived in multi-racial areas where the children became familiar with role models of their own ethnicity.
76 It was her opinion that placing E with parents who were ethnically different compounded the difficulties in adoptive parenting: to leave E in the care of Mr and Mrs F risked "genealogical bewilderment and trauma of separation from birth parents". In particular, E would not have the benefit of the cultural traditions to which she was entitled and which could not be passed down to those outside them; nor would she have the benefit of an extended family or peer group with which she was visibly similar, yet she would continually be identified by others as part of that group; and she was likely to encounter racism, but might feel unsupported by, or unable to share it in depth with, her adoptive parents, who would not have known the same experience. These factors would become increasingly significant in adolescence and adulthood, and may affect E's sense of self, and would restrict the traditions that she would in turn be able to pass on to her own children.