THE CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUE: implied freedom of communication
53 If, contrary to the view I have expressed, it is appropriate to address the constitutional validity of s 45(2)(b)(ii) of the TP Act, the Respondents face yet a further obstacle. As I have noted, the Statement of Claim alleges that certain conduct gave effect to the provisions of the pleaded arrangement or understanding, in contravention of s 45(2)(b)(ii). The conduct is said to include:
· instituting and maintaining proceedings in the LE Court seeking orders against DFO and others restraining them from carrying on an allegedly prohibited development at the Homebush Centre; and
· making representations to the Liverpool Council opposing a proposed amendment to the Liverpool LEP that would have allowed a retail development at the Liverpool Shopping Centre.
On the face of it, it is difficult to see how this conduct can be brought within the scope of the implied freedom of political communication.
54 The judgment in Lange laid down (at 567-568) a two-limb test for determining the validity of a law of a Commonwealth, State or Territory Parliament which is said to infringe the implied freedom of communication. As slightly modified in Coleman v Power, (at [93], per McHugh J; at [196], per Gummow and Hayne JJ), the test is as follows:
'First, does the law effectively burden freedom of communication about government or political matters either in its terms, operation or effect? Second, if the law effectively burdens that freedom, is the law reasonably appropriate and adapted to serve a legitimate end in a manner which is compatible with the maintenance of the constitutionally prescribed system of representative and responsible government and the procedure prescribed by s 128 for submitting a proposed amendment of the Constitution to the informed decision of the people … If the first question is answered "yes" and the second is answered "no", the law is invalid'.
55 In considering whether the first limb of Lange is satisfied, it is necessary to consider the rationale for the implied freedom. In Lange itself, a unanimous High Court held (at 558) that the effect of the Constitution is to ensure that the Parliament of the Commonwealth is representative of the people of the Commonwealth. In particular, the Court emphasised (at 557-558) the significance of s 1 of the Constitution (vesting the legislative power of the Commonwealth in the Parliament); s 7 (providing for the election of senators directly chosen by the people of each State); and ss 24 and 25 (providing for the election of members of the House of Representatives directly chosen by the people of the Commonwealth). Their Honours concluded (at 559), that the freedom of communication on matters of government and politics 'is an indispensable incident of that system of representative government which the Constitution creates'.
56 The Court acknowledged (at 560) that the Constitution does not expressly mention freedom of communication. Nonetheless, their Honours said that it could not be doubted that the elections for which the Constitution provides were intended to be free elections. They must afford electors a 'true choice', including the opportunity to gain an appreciation of the available alternatives. It follows (at 560) that:
'ss 7 and 24 and the related sections of the Constitution necessarily protect that freedom of communication between the people concerning political or government matters which enables the people to exercise a free and informed choice as electors. Those sections do not confer personal rights on individuals. Rather they preclude the curtailment of the protected freedom by the exercise of legislative or executive power'.
57 The Court stated (at 561) that the freedom, if it is to serve the purposes of ss 7 and 24 and related sections of the Constitution, cannot be confined to the election period. If it were otherwise:
'the electors would be deprived of the greater part of the information necessary to make an effect choice at the election'.
58 Their Honours also considered (at 561) that implications can be drawn from other provisions in the Constitution. Section 128 (providing for amendment of the Constitution after approval of a proposal at a referendum) implies a limitation on legislative and executive power to deny electors access to information relevant to a vote at a referendum. Similarly:
'those provisions which prescribe the system of responsible government necessarily imply a limitation on legislative and executive power to deny the electors and their representatives information concerning the conduct of the executive branch of government throughout the life of a federal Parliament. Moreover, the conduct of the executive branch is not confined to Ministers and the public service. It includes the affairs of statutory authorities and public utilities which are obliged to report to the legislature or to a Minister who is responsible to the legislature'.
59 Their Honours stated (at 561), however, that the freedom of communication which the Constitution protects is not absolute. In particular:
'It is limited to what is necessary for the effective operation of that system of representative and responsible government provided for by the Constitution'.
This is an important qualification.
60 The nature of the communications protected by the implied freedom was addressed by the High Court in Coleman v Power. In that case, the appellant was convicted of using insulting words in a public place, in contravention of a Queensland statute. The allegedly insulting words were: 'This is [X] a corrupt police officer'. They were directed by the appellant at a State police officer. The question was whether the Queensland statute was invalid in its application to the appellant's conduct by reason of the implied freedom of political communication.
61 The respondents in Coleman v Power conceded before the High Court that the impugned provision was capable of burdening political communication in the manner described in the first limb of the Lange test. As McHugh J noted (at [76]-[77]), this concession involved two matters. First, that the Constitution may invalidate a State law that restricts, without justification, a political communication concerning the functioning of representative and responsible government at federal level. Secondly, that the words used by the appellant concerned matters within the freedom of communication that the Constitution protects, even though the words concerned a State police officer. It is the second aspect of the concession that is relevant to the present case.
62 McHugh J considered (at [80]) that this aspect of the concession had been correctly made. In his view, the conduct of State police officers is relevant to the system of representative and responsible government set up by the Constitution because State police officers are involved in the administration and enforcement of both federal and State criminal law. For example, State officers are included within the statutory definition of 'investigating official' for the purposes of investigating Commonwealth offences. McHugh J said that:
'Public evaluation of the performance of federal ministers … may be influenced … by the manner in which state police officers enforce federal law and investigate federal offences. Allegations that members of the Queensland police force are corrupt may reflect on federal ministers as well as the responsible state ministers. Such allegations may undermine public confidence in the administration of the federal as well as the state, criminal justice system'.
63 Kirby J took a similar approach. His Honour considered that the subject matters of communication to which the implied freedom extends 'are not narrowly confined solely to federal concerns'. His Honour quoted a passage from Lange where the Court said (at 571-572) that:
'the discussion of matters at State, Territory or local level might bear on the choice that the people have to make in federal elections or in voting to amend the Constitution, and on their evaluation of the performance of federal Ministers and their departments. The existence of national political parties operating at federal, State, Territory and local government levels, the financial dependence of State, Territory and local governments on federal funding and policies, and the increasing integration of social, economic and political matters in Australia make this conclusion inevitable'.
64 Kirby J held that, on this basis, even communications that principally or substantially concern State governmental or political issues may constitute communications about government or political matters for the purposes of the Lange test. He pointed to the increasingly integrated nature of law enforcement in Australia and the national concern about official (specifically police) corruption and the proper governmental responses to these concerns. By reason of these matters, as a matter of 'potentiality', the Queensland statute had the practical effect of burdening the protected freedom of communication.
65 Gummow and Hayne JJ thought that it was unnecessary to decide the point. However, their Honours said this (at [197]):
'Given the extent to which law enforcement and policing in Australia depends both practically and structurally (through bodies like the Australian Crime Commission) upon close cooperation of federal, state and territory police forces, there is evident strength in the proposition that an allegation that a state police officer is corrupt might concern a government or political matter that affects the people of Australia'.
66 Neither Gleeson CJ nor Heydon J expressed a view as to the correctness of the concession made by the respondents in Coleman v Power. Callinan J seemed to think that the concession was ill-founded. His Honour observed (at [293]) that the Queensland statute, on its face, bore:
'not the slightest intention to operate upon, or in relation to federal institutions, elections or referenda, or to interfere with the operation of the Constitution'.
67 The High Court has most recently considered the first limb of Lange in APLA Ltd v Legal Services Commissioner (NSW) (2005) 219 ALR 403. In that case, personal injuries lawyers challenged the validity of regulations made under the Legal Profession Act 1987 (NSW). The regulations prohibited the advertising of legal services relating to personal injuries damages claims. One ground for the challenge was that the regulations infringed the implied constitutional freedom of communication on government or political matters.
68 The challenge on this ground failed, essentially on the basis that the regulations controlled an activity - advertising a particular form of legal services - rather than political discussion about whether the activity should be regulated in a particular manner: at [380], per Hayne J, citing Cunliffe v The Commonwealth (1994) 182 CLR 272, at 329, per Brennan J. Thus Gleeson CJ and Heydon J held (at [28]) that the regulations were not aimed at preventing discussion of public policy issues, but merely the marketing of professional services. See also at [70]-[71], per McHugh J; at [218]-[220], per Gummow J.
69 While the members of the Court had no occasion to consider the application of the Lange principle to communications about State or local government issues, several of the judgments reiterated the limitations on the scope of the implied freedom. Gleeson CJ and Heydon J pointed out (at [27]) the Court was
'concerned with a freedom that arises by necessary implication from the system of responsible and representative government set up by the Constitution, not a general freedom of communication of the kind protected by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. The nature and extent of the freedom is governed by the necessity which requires it'. (Emphasis added.)