There is, however, one most important element in it which, from a strictly constitutional point of view, has now, as regards all vital matters, reached its full development - we refer to the group of self-governing communities composed of Great Britain and the Dominions. Their position and mutual relation may be readily defined. They are autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though united by a common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations.
As former Prime Minister Hughes later insisted, the 1926 Conference did not raise the status of the Dominions because "equality with Britain had been for years firmly established". He cited the statements at the Imperial Conference of 1921 and the opening of the War Cabinet in 1919 showing that it was accepted then that the United Kingdom had no legislative supremacy over the Dominions (see Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, vol. 172, pp. 1424-1430, on the Statute of Westminster Adoption Bill). Neither the Statute of Westminster nor the Adoption Act added to the status of Australia. The object of the Adoption Act was to deal with form, not substance, "to remove doubts as to the validity of certain Commonwealth legislation to obviate delays occurring during its passage and to effect certain stated purposes". The Adoption Act was regarded as "a practical necessity" in wartime because of decisions such as the Union Steamship Case [37] . These decisions make a mockery of the constitutional provisions vesting legislative power in the Commonwealth Parliament with respect to specific subjects, such as copyright, navigation and shipping, admiralty and maritime jurisdiction. The decisions that the Parliament could not legislate inconsistently with certain pre-1901 and, in some cases, post-1901 United Kingdom Acts meant that Parliament's legislative power was either non-existent or so restricted that it was useless on those subjects. These decisions contradict s. 1 of the Constitution which states that "the legislative power of the Commonwealth shall be vested in" the Parliament of the Commonwealth. The Court instead found the legislative power of the Commonwealth in the United Kingdom Parliament and, subject to that, in the Parliament of the Commonwealth. The role of the courts in taking such an approach to the Constitution is not consistent with the exercise of only the judicial power of the Commonwealth. It is rather an exercise of some purported additional imperial judicial power which enabled them to choose between laws of the Commonwealth made by Parliament under the Constitution and laws made by the United Kingdom Parliament, in such a way as to override the laws of the Commonwealth. In doing so, they treated Australia as inferior in status to the United Kingdom and subordinate to it. It is not easy to see how this was a duty or a right of those courts exercising only the judicial power of the Commonwealth under the Constitution. In another century, some English courts readily accepted the pretensions of the Stuart Kings; in this century, some Australian courts have just as readily accepted the United Kingdom Parliament's "divine right" to legislate for the Australian nation.
1. (1926) 37 C.L.R., at p. 412.
2. (1925) 36 C.L.R. 130.
3. (1929) 41 C.L.R. 1.
4. (1925) 36 C.L.R. 130.