authorizes federal intervention, not simply to determine private
differences between an employer and his employés and make a
scale of rights and liabilities to operate merely for their exclusive
benefit, but in the interest of the whole general population to avert
or end disastrous industrial disorganization. From the standpoint
of the Constitution the immediate combatants, numerous as they
may be, are not necessarily even the chief objects of regard.
Except to protect the general public dependent upon the peaceful
and orderly continuance of industries which have an Australian
operation and an effect upon that inter-State commerce placed
directly under federal control, there could haye been no moral,
and there would have been no legal, warrant for federal control
of any industrial quarrel. A coal strike in one State, for
instance, entails severe loss to employers and employés while it
lasts; yet each side sees or thinks it sees for itself eventual and
compensating advantages. It is the non-combatants, the rest of
the community, who after all suffer most. Nevertheless, so, long
as the dispute is in its existence or imminence confined to one
State, that State alone has jurisdiction to deal with it, and the
law of that State is the only law applicable to the disputants, the
Commonwealth having no jurisdiction to interpose. But when
the quarrel attains national proportions, when the laws of that
State and other States - probably discordant - prove powerless
either to still the strife or restrain its extension, when the other
States are directly involved in the actual dispute itself, and the
whole industrial and domestic system of the Continent is de-
ranged, when internal trade is everywhere obstructed, and inter-
State and foreign commerce impeded and imperilled, is it con-
ceivable in such a crisis that the Commonwealth power, admittedly
operative in those conditions, and conferred in such broad com-
prehensive and unrestricted terms, is, at the caprice of the States,
possibly of one State against the will of all the rest, to stand in
danger of paralysis and defeat? And is it to be liable to this
capricious paralysis and defeat by the application of a doctrine
which is unstated in the Constitution, unless silently included in